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Kosovo in the 1990s
Operating from outside their homelands, exile armies have been an understudied phenomenon in history and international politics. From avoiding the fate of being a mere tool for a patron power to facing issues regarding their military efficacy and political legitimacy, exiled armies have found their journey home a tortuous one. This collection of essays covers the experience of exiled forces in the Second World War, principally in Europe, and also covers their activities around the globe during the Cold War and beyond.
By the early-1980s Kosovo had reached a state of permanent crisis and military occupation, and it became the main focus for the revival of Serbian nationalism. This book traces the history of Kosovo, examining the Yugoslavian conflict, and the part played by Western Europe in its destruction. 'This is a profound and important book, essential reading for those who wish to understand either the complex history or the present politics of Yugoslavia.' Hugh Trevor-Roper, SUNDAY TELEGRAPH 'A dreadnought of a book, all big guns, covering the whole history of Kosovo, with an authority that is often breathtaking and never oppressive.' Norman Stone, SUNDAY TIMES
Kosova or Kosovo is a dependent region of Serbia, part of the former country of Yugoslavia. It was part of the province of Dalmatia in the Austro-Hungarian Empire before 1919.
The dissolution of communism and the rise of ethnic and religious conflict throughout the former Yugoslavia, which sparked the war among Bosnians, Serbs, and Croats, has captivated the attention of the Western media throughout the 1990s. But little notice has been paid to the growing ethnic and religious tensions within the Serbian province of Kosovo -- tensions that now pose a serious threat to the security of the Balkans. Nearly 90 percent of the population of Kosovo is composed of Albanian Muslims, many of whom support a growing movement -- at first peaceful, but now turning violent -- for independence from Christian Serbia. In Between Serb and Albanian, Miranda Vickers explores the roots of this conflict and tracks the recent trajectory of Serbian and Albanian relations in Kosovo. The first third of the book outlines the history of Kosovo during the medieval and Ottoman periods, when relations between the two communities were generally good. The second part examines Kosovo since 1945, when the area fell under Serbian administration in the socialist Yugoslav system. Vickers concludes by surveying the steady deterioration in Serb-Albanian relations since the disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1981. With careful detail, she reveals how a largely peaceful. politically driven campaign for the independence of Kosovo has recently turned to violence with terrorist attacks on Serb political and military institutions, on Albanians thought to be collaborating with the Serbs, and on Serbs themselves. In the process, the author provides a balanced account of the Serb and Albanian positions, while placing much of the blame for the current situation on the repressive policies of Serb dictatorSlobodan Milosevic. Vickers sees ominous portents that the conflict may soon spread to neighboring Balkan countries. This book is essential reading for all those wishing to understand the historical, social, and cultural aspects of ethnic and religious strife in Serbia, and the implications of this conflict for the current political situation in all of southeast Europe.
The first history ever of violence against architecture as political violence, this book examines the case of the former Yugoslavia and the ways in which architecture is a site where power, agency, and ethnicity are constituted.
This report examines the reasons Slobodan Milosevic, the then president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, decided on June 3, 1999, to accept NATO's conditions for terminating the conflict over Kosovo. Drawing in part upon the testimony of Milosevic and other senior Serb and foreign officials who directly interacted with Milosevic, the report analyzes (1) the assumptions and other calculations that underlay Milosevic's initial decision to defy NATO's demands with regard to Kosovo, and (2) the political, economic, and military developments and pressures, and the resulting expectations and concerns that most importantly influenced his subsequent decision to come to terms. While several interrelated factors, including Moscow's eventual endorsement of NATO's terms, helped shape Milosevic's decision to yield, it was the cumulative effect of NATO air power that proved most decisive. The allied bombing of Serbia's infrastructure targets, as it intensified, stimulated a growing interest among both the Servian public and Belgrade officials to end the conflict. Milosevic's belief that the bombing that would follow a rejection of NATO's June 2 peace terms would be massively destructive and threatening to his continued rule made a settlement seem imperative. Also examined are some implications for future U.S. and allied military capabilities and operations.
Apart from historians, almost nobody in the world heard of Kosovo, a province of Serbia, a small landlocked territory in the heart of the Balkans, until March 24 1999, when NATO started a bombing campaign against then Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Since June 1999 Kosovo is under the international administration, a kind of the UN protectorate. On 17 February 2008 Kosovo's majority Albanians unilaterally proclaimed independence from Serbia under the supervision of the EU and the NATO. It is illegal and violates the Helsinki Final Act and UN Charter. Less then 40 out of 192 UN member states have recognised Kosovo as independent. Despite the declaration of independence the international administration is to stay in Kosovo. So, Kosovo continues in a state of limbo. Is Kosovo really independent? Kosovo has become a symbol of deep crisis in international relations much more so than Iraq and Afghanistan. Therefore, Kosovo's case is not closed and the story goes on. However, the fate of Kosovo,for the time being, does not depend of its citizensbut of the international community and, most of all, of its economy. Theeconomy almost does not exist and the present Kosovo is incapable of standing on its feet. This book is trying to shed a light on those two crucil elements - the international community policy and Kosovo's economy.