Download Free Kashmir In War And Diplomacy Book in PDF and EPUB Free Download. You can read online Kashmir In War And Diplomacy and write the review.

Based on declassified documents, the book throws new light on the roles played by Mountbatten and the British service chiefs in the Kashmir war of 1947-48 and explains why India took the Kashmir issue to the UN, why it did not carry the war into Pakistan and why it accepted a ceasefire. Examining archival material that has not been looked at previously and attempting an important reassessment of Mountbatten's role, the book highlights the fact that India's first Governor-General was not a mere constitutional figurehead. The book shows that he used -- and abused -- this authority to ensure that the conflict in Kashmir did not escalate into a full-scale inter-dominion war. A study of British policy in Kashmir must begin with an examination of the strategic interests of Britain in the subcontinent. The book explains the diplomatic background to the military developments of the time, tracing the evolution of British policy on Kashmir and its orchestration of the moves of western powers in the Security Council. The book provides details from the British archives about the secret understandings between Commanders-in-Chief of the rival armies to contain the conflict. It reveals, for instance, that India's Commander-in-Chief, General Bucher, had tried as early as March 1948 to negotiate an informal truce with his counterpart in Pakistan, without the knowledge of the Indian government. A revealing study about a controversial incident in India's military history, this is a timely book, especially in the post-Agra Summit period. This book analyses: The Evolution of British policy towards Kashmir The role played by the western powers in the Security council The secret attempt made by General Bucher to negotiate an informal truce with his counterpart in Pakistan How Mountbatten used and abused his authority to ensure that the Kashmir issue did not escalate into a full-scale inter-domain war.
Essays on post-independent political situation in Jammu and Kashmir, India; previously published in various Indian newspapers.
This is the first systematic history of U.S. efforts to help forge a settlement between India and Pakistan on the "Kashmir question." Former ambassador Howard B. Schaffer draws on interviews with senior American officials, historical research, and his decades of experience in South Asia to explain and evaluate three generations of U.S. activities and policies toward the volatile region. The Limits of Influence chronicles America's views on—and involvement in—the long-standing struggle waged between India and Pakistan over Kashmir since their independence in 1947. He brings the discussion up to the current day, concluding with recommendations on the role Washington might usefully play in resolving the long-simmering dispute, thus reducing the dangerous tensions between two nuclear-armed archrivals in a region of great importance. His book is a fascinating piece of diplomatic history as well as an instructive look at the present and future of the Kashmir dilemma and its impact on vital U.S. concerns. "Indian and Pakistani positions on the terms of a settlement have grown closer over the past few years. A quiet shove by Washington may be more likely than before to help push the two governments over the elusive finish line they have never been able to cross on their own. And the critical part Pakistan plays in the war on terrorism has added to the importance of a Kashmir settlement to major American interests in South Asia and beyond...." —From the Introduction
Seminar paper from the year 2019 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: Near East, Near Orient, grade: 1,3, , language: English, abstract: The Kashmir conflict arose parallel to the partition of British India in 1947, so it is as old as the Indian Union and Pakistan itself. Both India and Pakistan are claiming the entire sovereignty over the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir with India having control over approximately 55% of the land area and Pakistan 30%. China, which is controlling a small area of the region, is involved in the conflict as a third party. The conflict, more than 50 years old, not only survived the Cold War, it was the direct and indirect cause for three wars between India and Pakistan, for an arms race that continues to this day and for the transformation of both states into nuclear powers. This regional conflict is unique because Pakistan has already threatened India with the use of nuclear weapons on several occasions - even in the event of a massive conventional attack by India. Over the course of five decades, the conflict has become an integral part of the respective national and, in the case of India, democratic self-image and political consensus. India bases its democratic self-image on the thesis of the one, the secular nation. The state of Jammu and Kashmir is the only one with a Muslim majority and thus formally underpins India's claim to overcoming Hindu-Muslim antagonism.
In 2002, nuclear-armed adversaries India and Pakistan mobilized for war over the long-disputed territory of Kashmir, sparking panic around the world. Drawing on extensive firsthand experience in the contested region, Sumantra Bose reveals how the conflict became a grave threat to South Asia and the world and suggests feasible steps toward peace. Though the roots of conflict lie in the end of empire and the partition of the subcontinent in 1947, the contemporary problem owes more to subsequent developments, particularly the severe authoritarianism of Indian rule. Deadly dimensions have been added since 1990 with the rise of a Kashmiri independence movement and guerrilla war waged by Islamist groups. Bose explains the intricate mix of regional, ethnic, linguistic, religious, and caste communities that populate Kashmir, and emphasizes that a viable framework for peace must take into account the sovereignty concerns of India and Pakistan and popular aspirations to self-rule as well as conflicting loyalties within Kashmir. He calls for the establishment of inclusive, representative political structures in Indian Kashmir, and cross-border links between Indian and Pakistani Kashmir. Bose also invokes compelling comparisons to other cases, particularly the peace-building framework in Northern Ireland, which offers important lessons for a settlement in Kashmir. The Western world has not fully appreciated the desperate tragedy of Kashmir: between 1989 and 2003 violence claimed up to 80,000 lives. Informative, balanced, and accessible, Kashmir is vital reading for anyone wishing to understand one of the world's most dangerous conflicts.
When an earthquake hits a war zone or cyclone aid is flown in by an enemy, many ask: Can catastrophe bring peace? Disaster prevention and mitigation provide similar questions. Could setting up a flood warning system bring enemy countries together? Could a regional earthquake building code set the groundwork for wider regional cooperation? This book examines how and why disaster-related activities do and do not create peace and reduce conflict. Disaster-related activities refer to actions before a disaster such as prevention and mitigation along with actions after a disaster such as emergency response, humanitarian relief, and reconstruction. This volume investigates disaster diplomacy case studies from around the world, in a variety of political and disaster circumstances, from earthquakes in Greece and Turkey affecting these neighbours’ bilateral relations to volcanoes and typhoons influencing intra-state conflict in the Philippines. Dictatorships are amongst the case studies, such as Cuba and Burma, along with democracies such as the USA and India. No evidence is found to suggest that disaster diplomacy is a prominent factor in conflict resolution. Instead, disaster-related activities often influence peace processes in the short-term—over weeks and months—provided that a non-disaster-related basis already existed for the reconciliation. That could be secret negotiations between the warring parties or strong trade or cultural links. Over the long-term, disaster-related influences disappear, succumbing to factors such as a leadership change, the usual patterns of political enmity, or belief that an historical grievance should take precedence over disaster-related bonds. This is the first book on disaster diplomacy. Disaster-politics interactions have been studied for decades, but usually from a specific political framing, covering a specific geographical area, or from a specific disaster framing. As well, plenty of quantitative work has been completed, yet the data limitations are rarely admitted openly or thoroughly analysed. Few publications bring together the topics of disasters and politics in terms of a disaster diplomacy framework, yielding a grounded, qualitative, scientific point of view on the topic.
Kashmir dispute has to be seen as human issue, and not as a territorial gain, or a strategic advantage. Like anyone else, I have no solution to this dispute that could be acceptable to all concerned, but I know what is not workable and what will not provide much desired peace and stability in the region: and that is division of the State or its accession to any country. Kashmir dispute should not be used to settle score of the past tragedies or past adventures, for example, to avenge problems of 1965, 1971, 1980s, proxy war or Kargil adventure. Also Kashmir should not be used as a battleground for competing political and religious ideologies, as it is happening on both sides of the divide. Jammu and Kashmir is a multi-religious and multi ethnic former Princely State. All citizens of Jammu and Kashmir - Pundits, Sikhs, Buddhists, Shias, Ismahilies, pro Pakistan, pro India and pro- independence, and others must have equal rights; and we must not target any community for their beliefs. We must put the past behind us and make a new start by inviting pundits and others who were uprooted from their homes because of political, communal and armed conflict back in to their homes and compensate their losses. We must build bridges of confidence and make sincere endeavours to eradicate extremism, violence, religious intolerance and hatred. However, if these war mongers and fanatics are not brought under control then my fear is that they will endanger peace, stability and future of the entire region. So time is running out, and those in position to take appropriate action, must act and act soon.
Kashmir is the focal point of an acute regional dispute that has pitted India and Pakistan against one another ever since they gained their independence from Great Britain in 1947. Already, these bitter rivals have gone to war twice over Kashmir, leaving the state physically divided and heavily militarized. The eruption of massive anti Indian violence in Indian Kashmir in early 1990 has changed the dispute, worsening India Pakistan relations and lending even greater urgency to the search for settlement. The reasons for, and possible resolutions of, this dispute are the themes of Professor Wirsing's book. Drawing on repeated field visits and wide ranging interviews with government officials, political leaders, military officers, and diplomats in both India and Pakistan, the author provides abundant new material on the Kashmir dispute's political and military, domestic, and international dimensions. The book responds to mounting international concern about Kashmir with specific, step-by-step recommendations for breaking the existing diplomatic stalemate between India and Pakistan.
This book is the first account of the British diplomatic mission in Pakistan from its foundation at the end of the Raj in 1947 to the ‘War on Terror’. Drawing on original documents and interviews with participants, this book highlights key events and personalities as well as the influence and perspectives of individual diplomats previously not explored. The book demonstrates that the period witnessed immense changes in Britain’s standing in the world and in the international history of South Asia to show that Britain maintained a diplomatic influence out of proportion to its economic and military strength. The author suggests that Britain’s impact stemmed from colonial-era ties of influence with bureaucrats, politicians and army heads which were sustained by the growth of a Pakistani Diaspora in Britain. Additionally, the book illustrates that America’s relationship with Pakistan was transactional as opposed to Britain’s, which was based on ties of sentiment as, from the mid-1950s, the United States was more able than Britain to give Pakistan the financial, military and diplomatic support it desired. A unique and timely analysis of the British diplomatic mission in Pakistan in the decades after independence, this book will be of interest to academics working in the fields of South Asian History and Politics, International Relations, British and American Diplomacy and Security Studies, Cold War Politics and History and Area Studies.