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In Historical Title, Self-Determination and the Kashmir Question Fozia Nazir Lone offers a critical re-examination of the Kashmir question. Through an interdisciplinary approach and international law perspective, she analyses political practices and the substantive international law on the restoration of historical title and self-determination. The book analytically examines whether Kashmir was a State at any point in history; the effect of the 1947 occupation by India/Pakistan; the international law implications of the constitutional incorporation of this territory and the ongoing human rights violations; whether Kashmiris are entitled to restore their historical title through the exercise of self-determination; and whether the Kashmir question could be resolved with the formation of international strategic alliance to curb danger of spreading terrorism in Kashmir.
Sumantra Bose locates his study on Kashmir within a comparative perspective on problems of self-determination and democratic conflict resolution that enables him to take an engaged but non-partisan view. Both this approach and the reliance on ordinary citizens and grassroots activists rather than on establishment sources, permit him to break away from the nationalist rhetorics of both India and Pakistan. He makes a strong case for an open dialogue between the contending protagonists in the framework of the right for self-determination.
Nuclear powers India and Pakistan have several times fought over the Kashmir region. Most Kashmiris, on the other hand have been fighting for their right of self-determination as recognized by the UNO. In the past two decades, the region has been witness to a lot of violence which has also strained the relations between India and Pakistan. There have been several rounds of talks on Kashmir between governments of India and Pakistan. Sadly, there has not been any substantial positive outcome in resolving this dispute which has international ramifications. The Kashmir dispute has been analyzed several times in terms of its impact, economical or political, on India, Pakistan and also Kashmir. An analysis through a Kashmiri point-of-view as to what the Kashmiris want and how the two decade long conflict has affected their resolve for self-determination makes for an interesting research. The books thus investigates these issues and reports on the basis of data collected in five main districts of Kashmir. The book contains a discussion of the respondents' views and their feasibility in light of Kashmiris' aspirations and realpolitik of south Asia.
This book approaches contested secession and the more Western concept of consensual secession from a political theory perspective. In particular, it focuses on the Kashmir issue as a form of contested secession and examines whether the Kashmiri people have a ‘right’ to secede.
Kashmir dispute has to be seen as human issue, and not as a territorial gain, or a strategic advantage. Like anyone else, I have no solution to this dispute that could be acceptable to all concerned, but I know what is not workable and what will not provide much desired peace and stability in the region: and that is division of the State or its accession to any country. Kashmir dispute should not be used to settle score of the past tragedies or past adventures, for example, to avenge problems of 1965, 1971, 1980s, proxy war or Kargil adventure. Also Kashmir should not be used as a battleground for competing political and religious ideologies, as it is happening on both sides of the divide. Jammu and Kashmir is a multi-religious and multi ethnic former Princely State. All citizens of Jammu and Kashmir - Pundits, Sikhs, Buddhists, Shias, Ismahilies, pro Pakistan, pro India and pro- independence, and others must have equal rights; and we must not target any community for their beliefs. We must put the past behind us and make a new start by inviting pundits and others who were uprooted from their homes because of political, communal and armed conflict back in to their homes and compensate their losses. We must build bridges of confidence and make sincere endeavours to eradicate extremism, violence, religious intolerance and hatred. However, if these war mongers and fanatics are not brought under control then my fear is that they will endanger peace, stability and future of the entire region. So time is running out, and those in position to take appropriate action, must act and act soon.
This is the first systematic history of U.S. efforts to help forge a settlement between India and Pakistan on the "Kashmir question." Former ambassador Howard B. Schaffer draws on interviews with senior American officials, historical research, and his decades of experience in South Asia to explain and evaluate three generations of U.S. activities and policies toward the volatile region. The Limits of Influence chronicles America's views on—and involvement in—the long-standing struggle waged between India and Pakistan over Kashmir since their independence in 1947. He brings the discussion up to the current day, concluding with recommendations on the role Washington might usefully play in resolving the long-simmering dispute, thus reducing the dangerous tensions between two nuclear-armed archrivals in a region of great importance. His book is a fascinating piece of diplomatic history as well as an instructive look at the present and future of the Kashmir dilemma and its impact on vital U.S. concerns. "Indian and Pakistani positions on the terms of a settlement have grown closer over the past few years. A quiet shove by Washington may be more likely than before to help push the two governments over the elusive finish line they have never been able to cross on their own. And the critical part Pakistan plays in the war on terrorism has added to the importance of a Kashmir settlement to major American interests in South Asia and beyond...." —From the Introduction