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The contributors to this book demonstrate empirically how Japanese public opinion is formed amid strained Japan–South Korea relations. Studying public opinion in Japan and South Korea is critically important for exploring the causes and consequences of the deterioration of the relationship between the two countries. Japan–South Korea relations are at their worst level since World War II. Faced with North Korea’s nuclear threat and China’s regional and global advances, Japan and South Korea are each allied with the US and function as key stabilizers within the Asia–Pacific "Pax Americana." These relations play a decisive role in East Asia’s international security. The contributors explore a variety of social scientific methodologies—both conventional quantitative surveys and experiments, as well as quantitative text analyses of published books and computational analyses of social media data—to disentangle the dynamic relationship between Japanese public opinion and Japan–South Korea relations. An invaluable resource for scholars of East Asian regional security issues.
Japan and South Korea are Western-style democracies with open-market economies committed to the rule of law. They are also U.S. allies. Yet despite their shared interests, shared values, and geographic proximity, divergent national identities have driven a wedge between them. Drawing on decades of expertise, Brad Glosserman and Scott A. Snyder investigate the roots of this split and its ongoing threat to the region and the world. Glosserman and Snyder isolate competing notions of national identity as the main obstacle to a productive partnership between Japan and South Korea. Through public opinion data, interviews, and years of observation, they show how fundamentally incompatible, rapidly changing conceptions of national identity in Japan and South Korea—and not struggles over power or structural issues—have complicated territorial claims and international policy. Despite changes in the governments of both countries and concerted efforts by leading political figures to encourage U.S.–ROK–Japan security cooperation, the Japan–South Korea relationship continues to be hobbled by history and its deep imprint on ideas of national identity. This book recommends bold, policy-oriented prescriptions for overcoming problems in Japan–South Korea relations and facilitating trilateral cooperation among these three Northeast Asian allies, recognizing the power of the public on issues of foreign policy, international relations, and the prospects for peace in Asia.
The article investigates the influence of South Korean public opinion on the aggravating relationship between the two democratic countries, Japan and South Korea, by using the Stata program. The article challenges the common wisdom that the South Korean president’s hostile foreign policy toward Japan shapes the public’s opinion on leaders. To examine the question, the author analyzes a survey data set that measures the South Korean public’s view of neighboring countries: Japan, the United States, and North Korea. Based on the statistical analysis, the paper criticizes the overestimation of the power of public opinion in South Korea's relationship with Japan. Since the South Korean public holds high expectations of Japan's diplomatic relations and does not recognize the strategic value of Japan, the public does not judge their presidents' leadership based on the country's relationship with Japan. Therefore, the author argues that Korean political leaders form hostile foreign policy toward Japan, expecting to gain popularity by creating patriotic images. However, they do not gain any political pay-off from it. On the contrary, leaders can impress the public with their relationship with the U.S and North Korea due to the public’s low expectations of diplomatic relations toward those two countries.
In The Dokdo/Takeshima Dispute, Paul Huth, Sunwoong Kim, and Terence Roehrig have assembled top scholars from Japan, South Korea, and the United States to provide a balanced and comprehensive look from multiple perspectives of this long-running island dispute.
More than one-half million people of Korean descent reside in Japan today—the largest ethnic minority in a country often assumed to be homogeneous. This timely, interdisciplinary volume blends original empirical research with the vibrant field of diaspora studies to understand the complicated history, identity, and status of the Korean minority in Japan. An international group of scholars explores commonalities and contradictions in the Korean diasporic experience, touching on such issues as citizenship and belonging, the personal and the political, and homeland and hostland.
Unlike other Asian countries liberated from Japanese rule by the United States, postwar South Korea was occupied by American military forces until 1948. As a result, its postwar history was profoundly influenced by the Cold War. It is often believed that the United States encouraged, but failed to bring about, the normalization of relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK). How actively did the United States work to resolve outstanding issues between the two countries? How much importance did it attach to the normalization of relations, particularly in the context of the escalation of the Korean war? These and many other important questions are addressed in Sung-hwa Cheong's important new work. Cheong examines the principal disputes between Japan and South Korea from 1945 to 1952. He argues that as an autonomous force popular anti-Japanese sentiment in Korea did not play a major role in preventing normalization of relations between the two nations. Rather, the diplomatic deadlock was caused by the political posturing of President Syngman Rhee, who manipulated popular anti-Japanese feelings in order to stabilize his regime. The book also addresses how such diplomatic issues as the fishery dispute, financial claims, the territorial dispute, and the legal status of Korean residents in Japan emerged as political weapons in Korea to be manipulated by various political groups to their own advantage. Cheong also evaluates the extent to which the United States tried to assist the normalization of relations between Japan and the ROK as part of its own Cold War strategy in the Far East. He examines the American, Japanese, and Korean views toward the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the first conference on normalization. He argues that at this juncture, the Americans were interested in disengagement from Korea rather than in actively forging an anti-Communist alliance between Japan and the ROK. The author concludes that public antagonism toward Japan only became an obstacle to the normalization of diplomatic relations after Rhee deliberately stimulated anti-Japanese sentiment as part of a calculated policy that originated in his own political insecurity. This analysis sheds considerable new light on a shadowy aspect of the history of the Cold War in Asia and is recommended reading for all scholars and students of the postwar Far East.
What role does identity play in foreign policy? How might identity impact on Japan's relations with South Korea? This book takes identity theorizing in International Relations theory a step further by attempting to account for a resilient collective identity that informs policy makers throughout time and space.