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In 1847 and 1848 a little-known farmer named James Fintan Lalor wrote a series of newspaper articles in which he outlined his vision for Ireland after the Great Famine. Although they have been reprinted and republished many times since, until now there has been no systematic study of the principles and proposals that Lalor expounded. In this book, the author considers Lalor’s brief career as a writer and offers new insights into his treatment of the national and land questions. By elucidating Lalor’s ideas on these questions, exploring possible influences on his thinking, and assessing the impact of his writings on his contemporaries, the author seeks to address what he regards as two deficiencies in the historiography. The first of these is the tendency to assign only a minor, supporting role to Lalor during the brief heyday of Young Ireland. Academic studies typically portray him as little more than a catalyst in the radicalisation of figures like John Mitchel, rather than as a profoundly original thinker in his own right. The second issue is the commonly held perception of Lalor’s proposals on land tenure as foreshadowing the creation of a “peasant proprietary” later in the century. The author argues that Lalor advocated a much more radical plan that would link his two primary objectives: the creation of a sovereign Irish republic, and transfer of control over landholding from a small number of landlords to the entire Irish people. By comparing and contrasting Lalor’s theories with those of earlier figures such as Thomas Paine and James ‘Bronterre’ O’Brien, this ground-breaking book broadens the perspective on Lalor and his writings beyond the context of Irish nationalism. As the author concludes, Lalor’s unique contribution to Irish radical thought merits a more prominent place in nineteenth-century intellectual history than it has hitherto received. This book will be of great value to anyone interested in Irish history since 1800, especially in the areas of the Great Famine, the Young Ireland movement, and the Land War.
From the Famine to political hunger strikes, from telling tales in the pub to Beckett's tortured utterances, the performance of Irish identity has always been deeply connected to the oral. Exploring how colonial modernity transformed the spaces that sustained Ireland's oral culture, this book explains why Irish culture has been both so creative and so resistant to modernization. David Lloyd brings together manifestations of oral culture in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, showing how the survival of orality was central both to resistance against colonial rule and to Ireland's modern definition as a postcolonial culture. Specific to Ireland as these histories are, they resonate with postcolonial cultures globally. This study is an important and provocative new interpretation of Irish national culture and how it came into being.
This Festschrift for Professor Tadhg Foley of the National University of Ireland, Galway, who retired in 2009, gathers together international contributors in the fields of poetry, politics and academia to honour this great man's life and work. Professor Foley has not only been central in the development of Irish Studies and Colonial/Postcolonial Studies in Ireland and in the United States, but he has also enjoyed a long career as convivial host in his thatched cottage in Salthill, Galway. He remains one of the most popular and beloved figures in Irish academia. Among the eminent scholars included in the volume are Terry Eagleton, Robert Young, Penny Boumelha, David Lloyd, Luke Gibbons, Joep Leerssen and Maud Ellmann. The book is further enriched by poets Bernard O'Donoghue, Louis de Paor, Rita Ann Higgins, Michael D. Higgins and Tom Duddy. This collection is a rare and distinctive gathering of true and resonant voices, offering a unique portrait of late twentieth-century Irish literary and academic culture and its interplay with the United States.
Richard English's brilliant new book, now available in paperback, is a compelling narrative history of Irish nationalism, in which events are not merely recounted but analysed. Full of rich detail, drawn from years of original research and also from the extensive specialist literature on the subject, it offers explanations of why Irish nationalists have believed and acted as they have, why their ideas and strategies have changed over time, and what effect Irish nationalism has had in shaping modern Ireland. It takes us from the Ulster Plantation to Home Rule, from the Famine of 1847 to the Hunger Strikes of the 1970s, from Parnell to Pearse, from Wolfe Tone to Gerry Adams, from the bitter struggle of the Civil War to the uneasy peace of the early twenty-first century. Is it imaginable that Ireland might – as some have suggested – be about to enter a post-nationalist period? Or will Irish nationalism remain a defining force on the island in future years? 'a courageous and successful attempt to synthesise the entire story between two covers for the neophyte and for the exhausted specialist alike' Tom Garvin, Irish Times
A magisterial history of resistance to the rising of the British empire As the call for a new understanding of our national history grows louder, Britain’s Empire turns the received imperial story on its head. Richard Gott recounts the long-overlooked narrative of resisters, revolutionaries and revolters who stood up to the might of the Empire. In a story of almost continuous colonialist violence, Britain’s crimes unspool from the beginning of the eighteenth century to the Indian Mutiny, spanning the globe from Ireland to Australia. Capturing events from the perspective of the colonised, Gott unearths the all-but-forgotten stories excluded from mainstream histories.
The Thomas D’Arcy McGee assassination shocked the world more than a hundred and forty-five years ago, in the first year of Canada’s Confederation. McGee was shot through the back of the neck with a Smith & Wesson revolver, at his boarding house door on Sparks Street in Ottawa, having just returned from a late night sitting of the House of Commons around two thirty in the morning, on April 7, 1868. The man who was hanged for the murder claimed he was not the triggerman, although therewas a strong case against himand he admitted to being present. Now it seems he may have been telling the truth. The author of the most recent book on the killing has discovered persuasive evidence of a conspiracy involving American and Canadian Fenians, and he believes there was a hit man and an enforcer, typical of most Fenian assassinations. That book, Understanding the Thomas D’Arcy McGee Assassination, A Legal and Historical Analysis, by Charles MacNab, Q. C., presents a series of interesting, related, well documented lectures that build on each other to pass understanding of theMcGee assassination. Readers can follow McGee in his early Young Ireland days as a young poet, writer, journalist, moderate political leader and fearless patriot; learn of his secret mission to Scotland and northern Ireland at the time of the Irish Rebellion of 1848, and of his providential escape to America; appreciate his mistrust of the militant extremists who had assumed the NewYork Irish leadership during the summer of 1848, and McGee’s own remarkable leadership mission after reaching America, through his Catholic weekly newspaper, the New York Nation; learn the truth aboutMcGee’s divided loyalties to Ireland and Canada, as a Member of the Canadian Parliament and a Cabinet Minister, and his decision to do what he described as his painful duty to oppose the Fenians after 1861 when they began targeting Canada as part of their strategy to obtain Irish independence fromBritain, asMcGee still believed Ireland was being cruellymisgoverned; explore an expanded record and enjoy an analysis that supports the conclusion that theMcGee assassination resulted from a Fenian ordered hit fromNewYork. It is rather odd history. Irish American militants were conducting terrorism from American soil to obtain Irish independence from England in the name of radical republicanism, targeting Britain and Canada with hostage takings, dynamite explosions, and assassinations, including the ugly killing of Thomas D’Arcy McGee. The Canadian Government received a report of the conspiracy behind the McGee assassination fourteen years after the murder. It included signed affidavits fromtwoAmericanswho had participated, and bothmen were prepared to testify in any legal process provided they were granted immunity from prosecution themselves. John A.Macdonald, who was Justice Minister and Prime Minister at the time of the murder, believed that there had been a conspiracy, but he had been unable to persuade the Ontario Premier, Sandfield Macdonald, to authorize a Commission of Inquiry. There were a number of individuals who were charged at the time as accessories, but those prosecutions failed for lack of evidence. Previouswriters have been unable to conclude the assassination was the result of a conspiracy involving the American Fenians, but that is where the freshly discovered evidence leads. There is nothing to indicate John A. Macdonald (who was again Prime Minister in 1882) did anything with that later report, and so it is conceivable that Macdonald decided not to pursue the matter further. Much time had elapsed, and that hanging had already brought closure to a national tragedy. John A. Macdonald’s former law partner, Sir Alexander Campbell, who had been in the Canadian Cabinet at the time of the McGee assassination, is the one who provided that report directly to Macdonald about their “poor friend” McGee. It is a little ironic that it would be Campbell, for Campbell and McGee were never best friends, although they had been Cabinet colleagues, and had sat on the Committee of the Privy Council together before Confederation. Campbell liked to ridicule McGee privately,which probably explains why McGee had let it be known, in the summer of 1867, that Macdonald had offered him Campbell’s position in the Cabinet. Earlier in the year McGee and Charles Tupper had agreed to step aside for an Irish Catholic Senator from Nova Scotia, Edward Kenny, to enable Macdonald to form Canada’s first Government.
This is an extensive, fresh account of the early life of Thomas D'Arcy McGee. Astonishing new details are provided of his escape across Ireland in 1848, including his stay on Lough Derg in the course of being rescued by Clogher and Derry priests in a carefully managed operation. Indications are that his secret mission to the north at the start of the Irish Rebellion had astonishing possibilities, but it was so sensitive he could never discuss it later. The delightful discovery of his christening gown leads to further examination of his birth and early childhood at Carlingford. There is an extensive account of his career as a journalist in America, and his early involvement with Young Ireland's cultural and political mission which becomes his own. Thomas Davis was an early acquaintance; Gavan Duffy was a close friend; John Mitchel was an early mentor. While McGee led the moderates in the Confederation, he was also preparing for war as he organized the Clubs to satisfy the militants just before the revolt. There was no truer Irishman. The official Government side of the story, including Peel's extensive relief efforts made during the Great Irish Famine and Lord Clarendon's continuing vigilance is thoroughly researched and written so as to provide a balanced perspective to the general dissent and the determined and sustained efforts towards Irish independence, including McGee's own glorious initiatives.