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Ivor A. Stevens was an uncommon human being and an even more uncommon politician. He was born on St. Kitts, but grew up in the sister island of Nevis. He later served in the Canadian military, during World War 11. Upon his return to St. Kitts-Nevis in the late 1940s, Stevens soon found himself in the center of a developing political confl ict between the two islands. In time, he settled on Nevis and took that island's side. Eventually, Stevens became embroiled in a political love-hate relationships with two Nevisians, Eugene Walwyn and Simeon Daniel. Each of the three men was destined to leave his mark on the island's politics and history. Walwyn was soon labeled a traitor to Nevis. Later, despite the fact that Stevens and Daniel worked together in the same political party for many years, the two men came to mistrust the vision and intent of each other's politics. The Caribbean does have a long history of authoritarian and "forever" leadership. However, Stevens was careful to focus on empowering younger Nevisians to become future leaders and politicians. He was interested in preserving the environment and the island's traditional culture. Often, Mr. Stevens stood in defense of the common citizens' rights, against wealthy elites. He also played a critical role in encouraging a less combative relationship between the people of St. Kitts and Nevis. This is his story:
Ivor A. Stevens was an uncommon human being and an even more uncommon politician. He was born on St. Kitts, but grew up in the sister island of Nevis. He later served in the Canadian military, during World War 11. Upon his return to St. Kitts-Nevis in the late 1940s, Stevens soon found himself in the center of a developing political confl ict between the two islands. In time, he settled on Nevis and took that islands side. Eventually, Stevens became embroiled in a political love-hate relationships with two Nevisians, Eugene Walwyn and Simeon Daniel. Each of the three men was destined to leave his mark on the islands politics and history. Walwyn was soon labeled a traitor to Nevis. Later, despite the fact that Stevens and Daniel worked together in the same political party for many years, the two men came to mistrust the vision and intent of each others politics. The Caribbean does have a long history of authoritarian and forever leadership. However, Stevens was careful to focus on empowering younger Nevisians to become future leaders and politicians. He was interested in preserving the environment and the islands traditional culture. Often, Mr. Stevens stood in defense of the common citizens rights, against wealthy elites. He also played a critical role in encouraging a less combative relationship between the people of St. Kitts and Nevis. This is his story:
Human rights offer a vision of international justice that today’s idealistic millions hold dear. Yet the very concept on which the movement is based became familiar only a few decades ago when it profoundly reshaped our hopes for an improved humanity. In this pioneering book, Samuel Moyn elevates that extraordinary transformation to center stage and asks what it reveals about the ideal’s troubled present and uncertain future. For some, human rights stretch back to the dawn of Western civilization, the age of the American and French Revolutions, or the post–World War II moment when the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was framed. Revisiting these episodes in a dramatic tour of humanity’s moral history, The Last Utopia shows that it was in the decade after 1968 that human rights began to make sense to broad communities of people as the proper cause of justice. Across eastern and western Europe, as well as throughout the United States and Latin America, human rights crystallized in a few short years as social activism and political rhetoric moved it from the hallways of the United Nations to the global forefront. It was on the ruins of earlier political utopias, Moyn argues, that human rights achieved contemporary prominence. The morality of individual rights substituted for the soiled political dreams of revolutionary communism and nationalism as international law became an alternative to popular struggle and bloody violence. But as the ideal of human rights enters into rival political agendas, it requires more vigilance and scrutiny than when it became the watchword of our hopes.
This book integrates the problem of violence into a larger framework, showing how economic and political behavior are closely linked.
The book includes six chapters that cover Virginia history from initial settlement through the 20th century plus one that deals with the important role of underwater archaeology. Written by prominent archaeologists with research experience in their respective topic areas, the chapters consider important issues of Virginia history and consider how the discipline of historic archaeology has addressed them and needs to address them . Changes in research strategy over time are discussed , and recommendations are made concerning the need to recognize the diverse and often differing roles and impacts that characterized the different regions of Virginia over the course of its historic past. Significant issues in Virginia history needing greater study are identified.
The horrors of the First World War released a great outburst of emotional poetry from the soldiers who fought in it as well as many other giants of world literature. Wilfred Owen, Rupert Brooke and W B Yeats are just some of the poets whose work is featured in this anthology. The raw emotion unleashed in these poems still has the power to move readers today. As well as poems detailing the miseries of war there are poems on themes of bravery, friendship and loyalty, and this collection shows how even in the depths of despair the human spirit can still triumph.
The extension to other Realms of the reserve power to refuse a dissolution
NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER • SOON TO BE AN FX LIMITED SERIES STREAMING ON HULU • NATIONAL BOOK CRITICS CIRCLE AWARD WINNER • From the author of Empire of Pain—a stunning, intricate narrative about a notorious killing in Northern Ireland and its devastating repercussions. One of The New York Times’s 20 Best Books of the 21st Century "Masked intruders dragged Jean McConville, a 38-year-old widow and mother of 10, from her Belfast home in 1972. In this meticulously reported book—as finely paced as a novel—Keefe uses McConville's murder as a prism to tell the history of the Troubles in Northern Ireland. Interviewing people on both sides of the conflict, he transforms the tragic damage and waste of the era into a searing, utterly gripping saga." —New York Times Book Review "Reads like a novel ... Keefe is ... a master of narrative nonfiction. . .An incredible story."—Rolling Stone A Best Book of the Year: The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, TIME, NPR, and more! Jean McConville's abduction was one of the most notorious episodes of the vicious conflict known as The Troubles. Everyone in the neighborhood knew the I.R.A. was responsible. But in a climate of fear and paranoia, no one would speak of it. In 2003, five years after an accord brought an uneasy peace to Northern Ireland, a set of human bones was discovered on a beach. McConville's children knew it was their mother when they were told a blue safety pin was attached to the dress--with so many kids, she had always kept it handy for diapers or ripped clothes. Patrick Radden Keefe's mesmerizing book on the bitter conflict in Northern Ireland and its aftermath uses the McConville case as a starting point for the tale of a society wracked by a violent guerrilla war, a war whose consequences have never been reckoned with. The brutal violence seared not only people like the McConville children, but also I.R.A. members embittered by a peace that fell far short of the goal of a united Ireland, and left them wondering whether the killings they committed were not justified acts of war, but simple murders. From radical and impetuous I.R.A. terrorists such as Dolours Price, who, when she was barely out of her teens, was already planting bombs in London and targeting informers for execution, to the ferocious I.R.A. mastermind known as The Dark, to the spy games and dirty schemes of the British Army, to Gerry Adams, who negotiated the peace but betrayed his hardcore comrades by denying his I.R.A. past--Say Nothing conjures a world of passion, betrayal, vengeance, and anguish.
The State is a brilliant analysis of some of the fundamental issues of modern political thought from the perspective, not of individuals or subjects, but of the state itself. The author poses the query, "What would you do if you were the state?" The state usually is understood as an instrument, not a personality, and it is presumed to exist so that people can achieve their common ends. However, Jasay asks, what if we suppose the state to have a will and ends of its own? To answer these questions, the author traces the logical and historical progression of the state from a modest-sized protector of life and property through its development into an "agile seducer of democratic majorities, to the welfare-dispensing drudge that it is in many countries today ... Is the rational next step a totalitarian enhancement of its power?" The State presents what has been termed "a disturbingly logical 'agenda' for the state in pursuit of its 'self-fulfillment.'"--Inside jacket flap.