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Open Media Series Number 17 Provides an analysis of the current crisis in the media in the US which, the authors argue, has undermined democracy and has fallen into the hands of a small number of transnational conglomerates that use their political and economic power to carpet bomb the citizenry with commercial messages. Also presents ways in which the media system can be improved and made more responsive to the needs of ordinary people and less dominated by those of the financial and advertising industries.
Brian Winston is one of the world's leading authorities on documentary films, media ethics, media technologies and their histories - and freedom of expression issues. His books and films have won prestigious international prizes; in 1985, he was the recipient of a US National Emmy for an 'outstanding individual achievement writing for an information series'. He has occupied major roles in the broadcast industry and academy in both the US and UK. As a teacher and writer of textbooks, he is admired by students and colleagues alike. In 2007, he was awarded the highest academic honour at his university being named The Lincoln Professor. This festschrift brings together ten original essays by leading international academic colleagues to celebrate Brian Winston's distinguished career - begun in 1963 and still continuing. They cover three of Brian's specialist areas: documentary, free expression, and politics and ethics of the media. The contributors are (in order of appearance) Tom Waugh, Deane Williams, Kate Nash, Annette Hill, Clifford G. Christians, Julian Petley, Raphael Cohen-Almagor, Ivor Gaber, Martin Conboy and Pratap Rughani. In his Preface, David Chiddick, former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Lincoln, says: 'Brian helped turn shibboleths of traditional universities on their head' and describes him as 'a generous, inclusive, empowering and transformative' academic. The Editor Richard Lance Keeble is Professor of Journalism at the University of Lincoln and Honorary Professor at Liverpool Hope University. He has written and edited 44 books on a wide range of media-related subjects.
Pollsters are constantly worrying about our perceptions of politicians. What do their other halves look like? Who looks best when eating a bacon sandwich? Should they even be eating bacon sandwiches in the first place? For the voter, though, it all comes down to one thing: the economy. While good economic news can send popularity sky-rocketing, bad performance can blight a party's election chances for years. But, with policies often working with time lags, it's rarely clear who is responsible for what - especially when their stances on the biggest issues of the day - immigration, the EU, the NHS - are clouded in rhetoric rather than grounded in hard economic fact. It's the Economy, Stupid sets out to change al l that. This incisive, accessible guide explodes some of the most entrenched myths of British political debate. Does immigration help or harm our economy? Are austerity measures the best way to tackle a financial meltdown? Is the NHS in crisis? With answers to all these questions and more, this is essential reading for anyone who wants to know how their vote will affect their financial future.
Fark.com has taken the Internet by storm by featuring real, funny news. In his first book, founder Curtis exposes the stranger-than-fiction media patterns that prove just how little reporting is going on in the media world today. His 12 entertaining but undeniable patterns include fear-mongering in the absence of facts, the bogus press release and media-fatigue. His book is a witty wake-up call, exposing the news that was never fit for print in the first place. Curtis' website has 40 million page views a month and is a top 100 English language website.
It's the Political Economy, Stupid brings together internationally acclaimed artists and thinkers, including Slavoj Žižek, David Graeber, Judith Butler and Brian Holmes, to focus on the current economic crisis in a sustained and critical manner. Following a unique format, images and text are integrated in a visually stunning bespoke production by activist designer Noel Douglas. What emerges is a powerful critique of the current capitalist crisis through an analytical and theoretical response and an aesthetic-cultural rejoinder. By combining artistic responses with the analysis of leading radical theorists, the book expands the boundaries of critique beyond the usual discourse. It's the Political Economy, Stupid argues that it is time to push back against the dictates of the capitalist logic and, by use of both theoretical and artistic means, launch a rescue of the very notion of the social.
Since the end of World War II, most people around the world regarded the United States as the land of opportunity. The baby boomers and Generation X knew it best as "the land of milk and honey." It was a place where people could easily raise a family and with hard work could achieve anything they set their mind to. The American Dream, a dream of a land where life is better, richer and fuller for everyone, was alive. Much has changed, though, in the past four decades. Most Americans today do not realize that since the early 1990s, when the world markets began to merge and globalization took place, America went through a significant transformation. Today, the America of yesterday, a place where children grew up to ultimately earn more than their parents, is no longer reality but, in most cases, just wishful thinking. In today's globalized world, working in America no longer feels any different than earning a living in Europe or Japan. Indeed, income levels and employment opportunities now appear to be similar. Are they, though? Do Americans still have the edge or has the American Dream finally slipped away? Is it possible to conceive that American workers could be disadvantaged when compared to those living and working in other countries? While most people live their everyday lives never knowing, one thing is clear. Recently, political catchphrases such as "Make America Great Again," deeply resonated with frustrated Americans on both sides of the political divide, more so than election pollsters and the media anticipated during the 2016 presidential election. Undoubtedly, anxiety about the future is in the air, but what causes it? Can the past be restored? One thing is certain. Americans cannot afford to remain complacent with the status quo. Visit the author's webpage HERE.
It’s the Middle Class, Stupid! confirms what we have all suspected: Washington and Wall Street have really screwed things up for the average American. Work has been devalued. Education costs are out of sight. Effort and ambition have never been so scantily rewarded. Political guru James Carville and pollster extraordinaire Stan Greenberg argue that our political parties must admit their failures and the electorate must reclaim its voice, because taking on the wealthy and the privileged is not class warfare—it is a matter of survival. Told in the alternating voices of these two top political strategists, It’s the Middle Class, Stupid! provides eye-opening and provocative arguments on where our government—including the White House—has gone wrong, and what voters can do about it. Controversial and outspoken, authoritative and shrewd, It’s the Middle Class, Stupid! is destined to make waves during the 2012 presidential campaign, and will set the agenda for legislative battles and political dust-ups during the next administration.
As recently as the early 1970s, the news media was one of the most respected institutions in the United States. Yet by the 1990s, this trust had all but evaporated. Why has confidence in the press declined so dramatically over the past 40 years? And has this change shaped the public's political behavior? This book examines waning public trust in the institutional news media within the context of the American political system and looks at how this lack of confidence has altered the ways people acquire political information and form electoral preferences. Jonathan Ladd argues that in the 1950s, '60s, and early '70s, competition in American party politics and the media industry reached historic lows. When competition later intensified in both of these realms, the public's distrust of the institutional media grew, leading the public to resist the mainstream press's information about policy outcomes and turn toward alternative partisan media outlets. As a result, public beliefs and voting behavior are now increasingly shaped by partisan predispositions. Ladd contends that it is not realistic or desirable to suppress party and media competition to the levels of the mid-twentieth century; rather, in the contemporary media environment, new ways to augment the public's knowledgeability and responsiveness must be explored. Drawing on historical evidence, experiments, and public opinion surveys, this book shows that in a world of endless news sources, citizens' trust in institutional media is more important than ever before.