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Gabriel Warburg contends that efforts in Sudan to enforce an Islamic state and an Islamic constitution on a multi-religious and multi-ethnic society have led to prolonged civil war, endless military coups, and political, social, and economic bankruptcy. He analyzes the history of Sudan's Islamic politics to illuminate current conflicts in the region. The revolt in 1881 was led by a Mahdi who came to renew and purify Islam. It was in effect an uprising against a corrupt Islamic regime, the largely alien Turco-Egyptian ruling elite. The Mahdiyya was therefore an anti-colonial movement, seeking to liberate Sudan from alien rule and to unify the Muslim Umma, and it later evolved into the first expression of Sudanese nationalism and statehood. Post-independence Islamic radicalism, in turn, can be viewed against the background of the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium (1899-1956). It also thrived as a result of the resurgence of Islam since the mid-1960s, when Nasserism and other popular ideologies were swept aside. Finally, Sudan has emerged as the center of militancy in Sunni Islam since June 1989, when a group of radical Islamic officers, under the guidance of Dr. Hassan al-Turabi and the NIF, assumed power.
Seminar paper from the year 2003 in the subject Politics - Region: Africa, University of Vienna (Institut für Politikwissenschaften), language: English, abstract: The following pages try to analyze the way the state of Sudan functions and to what extend Islam is influencing it. We speak of a widely unknown country and its political experiences are seldomly known to Austrians, even not to students of political science. Despite of that I am not trying to introduce a country, but to go directly to the state after a small showing of the political history of the state, which is needed for the analyses. If we speak of Sectarian politics in Sudan we first have to define the word sect, as its connotation is not only positive. As a sect a group of people, which has separated from a larger group and with a particular set of religious or political beliefs, which are strongly held and regarded by others as extreme is meant by definition (Sidahmed 1997:23). In Sudanese studies the word sect refers to two groups with a religious belief network but the emphasis is laid on their political agenda and actions. In the following paper the term sect is following this emphasis, and doesn’t imply any judges about religious beliefs or extremes. I don’t want to meet the challenge of analyzing or even judging the rightness of secularism or political Islam. What I try to do is to show how politics in the state of Sudan function and what role Islam has played and still plays. In the same way one could analyze the United States politics and the impact of Christianity. It is clear though, even if it is tried to reach, that a total objectivism is not possible. [...]
Why wasn't Islam the rallying point and battle cry of the anti-colonial movement in the Sudan? Why did the mainstream political parties and the first military regime maintain the 'secular' political structures of the colonial state? Why did the influential parties opt for an 'Islamic constitution' in the 1960s? Why did Nimeiry's regime change is course? This work attempts to answer these and related questions. Three key issues are addressed within the framework of the relationship between Islam, society and politics : the manifestation of Islam in the particular context of Sudanese society; the politicisation / repoliticisation of Islam and the Islamicisation of politics; and the mechanisms that influence the rise of a specific Islamicist force or enhance calls for Islamicisation.
This book is the first analysis of the Sudanese Mahdiyya from a socio-political perspective that treats how relationships of authority were enunciated through symbol and ceremony. The book focuses on how the Mahdi and his second-in-command and ultimate successor, the Khalifa Abdallahi, used symbols, ceremony and ritual to articulate their power, authority and legitimacy first within the context of resistance to the imperial Turco-Egyptian forces that had been occupying the Nilotic Sudan since 1821, and then within the context of establishing an Islamic state. This study examines five key elements from a historical perspective: the importance of Islamic mysticism as manifested in Sufi brotherhoods in the articulation of power in the Sudan; ceremony as handmaids of power and legitimacy; charismatic leadership; the routinization of charisma and the formation of a religious state purportedly based upon the first Islamic community in the seventh century C.E.
A Muslim scholar with extensive experience in Africa, T. Abdou Maliqalim Simone was recruited by the Islamic fundamentalist Shari‘a Movement in Sudan to act as consultant for its project to unite Muslims and non-Muslims in Khartoum's shanty towns. Based on his interviews with hundreds of individuals during this time, plus extensive historical and archival research, In Whose Image? is a penetrating examination of the use of Islam as a tool for political transformation. Drawing a detailed portrait of political fundamentalism during the 1985-89 period of democratic rule in the Sudan, Simone shows how the Shari‘a Movement attempted to shape a viable social order by linking religious integrity and economic development, where religious practice was to dominate all aspects of society and individuals' daily lives. However, because Sudanese society is remarkably diverse ethnically and religiously, this often led to conflict, fragmentation, and violence in the name of Islam. Simone's own Islamic background leads him to deplore the violence and the devastating psychological, economic, and cultural consequences of one form of Islamic radicalism, while holding to hope that a viable form of this inherently political religion can in fact be applied. As a counterpoint, he ends with a discussion of South Africa's Call of Islam, which seeks political unity through a more tolerant interpretation of Islam. As an introduction to religious discourse in Africa, this book will be widely read by students and scholars throughout African Studies, Religious Studies, Anthropology, and Political Science.
First Published in 1978. The studies contained in this volume have one thing in common: they describe the overwhelming impact of Islam on Sudanese society and politics from the formative years of the Sudanese political community until the abortive communist coup in July 1971. It gives an account of the emergence of sectarian politics, in the Anglo-Egyptian setting, and analyses its roots and the reasons for its success.
The Sudanese Mahdī headed a millenarian, revivalist, reformist movement in Islam, strongly inspired by Salafī and Ṣūfī ideas, in late 19th century in an attempt to restore the Caliphate of the Prophet and “Righteous Caliphs” in Medina. As the “Successor of the Prophet”, the Mahdī was conceived of as the political head of the Islamic state and its supreme religious authority. On the basis of his legal opinions, decisions, proclamations and “traditions” attributed to him, an attempt is made to reconstruct his legal methodology consisting of the Qurʾān, sunna, and inspiration (ilhām) derived from the Prophet and God, its origins, and its impact on Islamic legal doctrine, and to assess his “legislation” as an instrument to promote his political, social and moralistic agenda.
Sudan, governed by an Islamic fundamentalist dictatorship, has come into conflict with the United States and other countries not because of its religious orientation but because of its record of human rights abuses and support for terrorism. The country has captured the attention of many Americans, some of whom feel that something must be done to combat religious persecution throughout the world and others who are appalled that almost two million civilians have died as a consequence of Sudan’s civil war. As the last American ambassador to complete an assignment based in Sudan, Donald Petterson provides unique insights into how it has become what it is today.The central focus of Inside Sudan is on Petterson’s experiences dealing with a hostile government. Petterson tells of what occurred after Sudanese security forces executed four Sudanese employees of the US government in the southern city of Juba. He relates what happened to Americans in Khartoum after Washington put Sudan on the list state sponsors of terrorism. He describes what he saw on his many trips into war-devastated southern Sudan.These unique observations, and Petterson’s account of his return to Sudan in late 1997 to look for openings to improve US-Sudan relations, provide a timely review of our relationship with a country increasingly regarded by Washington as beyond the pale.
This work explores the relationship between gender and the state in the construction of national identity politics in twentieth-century Sudan, focusing on the mechanisms that the state and political and religious interest groups employ to achieve political and cultural hegemony. Looking at the involvement of women in both left-wing and Islamist revolutionary movements, Hale investigates the conditions under which women's culture can be active, generative, positive expressions of resistance and transformation. She also raises questions about the limits that women may face, now that the Islamic state is achieving hegemony.