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In Is Quebec Nationalism Just? contributors explore Quebec's relationship with the rest of Canada from a normative perspective. The case of Quebec is interesting, both politically and philosophically, because it epitomizes the puzzle of liberal nationalism. While nationalism is often assumed to be inherently illiberal and regressive, the authors of these essays argue that Quebecers' desire to control their own political destiny is not fuelled by hostility to liberalism. On the contrary, they conclude that Quebecers are at least as deeply committed to liberal values, institutions, and practices as people in the rest of Canada.
Essay from the year 2000 in the subject Politics - Political Theory and the History of Ideas Journal, grade: 63% (Credit), Monash University Melbourne (School for Social and Political Inquiry), course: Nationalism, language: English, abstract: A couple of months ago, I asked a fellow exchange student were he was from. "Canada" was his reply and after further questioning he told me that he was from Ottawa in the province of Ontario. A couple of days later, I asked another Canadian student the same question, and she replied "Quebec" in the first place, just mentioning her home province but not the country she was a citizen of; and, as it turned out, she did this intentionally. How can we explain such a different self-perception of two residents of the same country? Why does it seem that for French-speaking residents of Quebec it is more important to be recognized as Quebecers than as Canadians? The Referendum 1995 has brought Quebec nationalism back in the headlines of the world press. Suddenly, we were aware of the existence of a separatist movements in the middle of a western liberal democracy and people were asking themselves if nationalism was not a product of nineteenth century Europe and if the nation-building process had not already ceased in the west. However, Quebec stands not alone as a minority in a western state seeking independence or more autonomy. Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and Catalonia are some of the cases that received increased scientific interest in the last couple of years. With those regions in mind, we can say that we have witnessed the emergence of a 'new' nationalism that threatens post-industrialist nation-states that seemed to have finished their process of nation-building a long time ago. This essay wants to answer the question of what kind of nationalism we can find in Quebec. I will begin with a historical overview, because history is one of the most important features the 'new nationalists' draw upon to legitimate their struggle for more autonomy. I shall then continue with a discussion of the social and economic changes in the province in the post-war years and during the Quiet Revolution. This will be followed by an analysis of the factors that shape and influence the ideology of the contemporary Quebecois independent movement. Then I will try to locate Quebec nationalism on the theoretical scale, using the two concepts of ethnic and civic nationalism. I shall conclude with an outlook on the future relations between Quebec and the federal Canadian state. [...]
About this Book In 1976, the nationalist Parti Québécois came to power in Quebec and governed the province until 1985. A tense period followed its election within business circles and among the Jewish community. In the midst of this crisis, Victor Teboul’s Mythe et images du Juif au Québec had just been published and it exposed a negative portrayal of Jews in Quebec’s most well-read novels and history books. The book had a strong impact on the Jewish leadership and created some controversy among Quebec’s francophone intellectual elite. In his provocative Oh Canada! Oh Quebec!, published in 1992, Mordecai Richler drew extensively from Victor Teboul's Mythe et images du Juif au Québec.
Academic Paper from the year 2010 in the subject Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict, Security, grade: 1:1, , language: English, abstract: Looking across the globe at the many different nationalistic conflicts, one can see that the case of Quebec is very distinctive. In this struggle, the Québécois have received a significant amount of control of their region and have done so without violence. The nationalism of Quebec within Canada can be explained by historical, political and economic factors, and although Canada has avoided violence by successfully enacting preemptive remedies to conflict, there are a few lingering problems in relation to the Canadian minority of Quebec that must be dealt with in order to ensure the continuation of non-violence. The divergence of Canadian and Québécois interests dates back to the times of North American settlement in the 1700s and, in its beginnings, was predominantly based on a deepening gap in the economy. As a portion of the population that was predominantly English-speaking came to reap a majority of economic benefits, the other portion that was mostly French-speaking were behind a deepening line of class division that led to resentment, which they could most easily direct at the most recognizable difference between the groups: language. [...]
First published in French in 1981 under the title Le declin du nationalisme au Québec, this classic has received considerable critical acclaim. Graham Fraser of the Montreal Gazette wrote, "a suberb book: provocative, ironic, stimulating, and analytical, with a sharp eye for the social meaning of public events. Clift covered Quebec politics as a daily journalist for almost 25 years. He has succeeded in sweeping across events he covered to reduce them to their most substantial conflict." Dominique Clift's perceptive analysis traces two antagonistic trends in recent Quebec history: the growth of nationalism, which reached its high point with the election of René Lévesque in 1967, and the development of individualism at the expense of group solidarity.
A comparison of the "national question" in Québec and a region in France that is also seeking sovereignty. "A wide-ranging series of observations which are easy and satisfying to read."--Ottawa Journal
Two competing movements emerged in the 1940s to challenge the traditional ideology. One espoused neo-nationalism, the other liberalism. Both were made up of young, dedicated intellectuals and journalists; together they represent the ideological roots of Quebec's Quiet Revolution.
Richard Handler's pathbreaking study of nationalistic politics in Quebec is a striking and successful example of the new experimental type of ethnography, interdisciplinary in nature and intensively concerned with rhetoric and not only of anthropologists but also of scholars in a wide range of fields, and it is likely to stir sharp controversy. Bringing together methodologies of history, sociology, political science, and philosophy, as well as anthropology, Handler centers on the period 1976-1984, during which the independantiste Parti Québéois was in control of the provincial government and nationalistic sentiment was especially strong. Handler draws on historical and archival research, and on interviews with Quebec and Canadian government officials, as he addresses the central question: Given the similarities between the epistemologies of both anthropology and nationalist ideology, how can one write an ethnography of nationalism that does not simply reproduce--and thereby endorse--nationalistic beliefs? Handler analyzes various responses to the nationalist vision of a threatened existence. He examines cultural tourism, ideology of the Quebec government, legislations concerning historical preservation, language legislation and policies towards immigrants and "cultural minorities." He concludes with a thoughtful meditation on the futility of nationalisms.