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Considers how the emergence of the territorial status quo norm in post-1945 Europe has reversed the pattern of disputes.
Since the end of the Second World War, European states---in sharp contrast to Europe's past and to other world regions---have shown a strong tendency to resolve their irredentist disputes peacefully. Inquiring into the origins of this development, I focus on the evolution of the territorial status quo norm in Europe. I depart from the existing literature on norm selection in three important ways: First, my research inquires in depth not only into the international but also the domestic processes through which nation-states select norms. Second, I elaborate on argumentation theory. I argue that norm selection through persuasive argumentation entails not only constructing a link between the advocated normative idea, the dominant identity and already selected norms, but also building such a link between the normative idea and the dominant episteme. The latter is a lens---similar to a paradigm---through which actors make the world intelligible to themselves. Third, I do not dichotomise rationalist and constructivist selection mechanisms but propose a synthesis. If a number of conditions are present, states select norms in three ideal-typical stages: (1) Environmental change provides the impetus for a new advocacy for a normative idea; (2) advocates persuade large segments of elites and public to select this idea by abstract, comparative, and appropriateness reasoning; (3) recalcitrant actors, seeking to avoid the costs of opposing the newly established majority view are eager to reach a compromise with the advocates. Focusing on the irredentist claims by the Federal Republic of Germany and the Republic of Ireland, this study's empirical research generates evidence for and further elaborates on the three-stage norm selection mechanism but also cautions not to confuse the ideal-typical stages with real-types.
An examination of the ceaseless controversies surrounding ideas of nation and nationalism, showing that they are very far from dead in twenty-first century Europe. Beginning by defining these terms and setting out theories and concepts clearly and concisely, this book analyses the impact of nationalism since the Second World War, covering themes including: * the relationship of nationalism to the Cold War * the re-emergence of demands by stateless nations * European integration and globalisation * immigration since the 1970s * the effects of nationalism on the former Soviet Union and Eastern block.
This timely book offers an in-depth exploration of state partitions and the history of nationalism in Europe from the Enlightenment onwards. Stefano Bianchini compares traditional national democratic development to the growing transnational demands of representation with a focus on transnational mobility and empathy versus national localism against the EU project. In an era of multilevel identity, global economic and asylum seeker crises, nationalism is becoming more liquid which in turn strengthens the attractiveness of ‘ethnic purity’ and partitions, affects state stability, and the nature of national democracy in Europe. The result may be exposure to the risk of new wars, rather than enhanced guarantees of peace.
The idea of national unification has long been a powerful mobilizing force for nationalist thinkers and ethnic entrepreneurs since the rise of nationalist ideology in the late 1700s. This phenomenon came to be known as irredentism. During the Cold War, irredentist projects were largely subordinated to the ideological struggle between East and West. After the Cold War, however, the international system has witnessed a proliferation of such conflicts throughout Europe and Asia. Ambrosio integrates both domestic and international factors to explain both the initiation and settlement of irredentist conflicts. His central argument is that irredentist states confront two potentially contradictory forces: domestic nationalism and pressure from the international community. Irredentist leaders are forced to reconcile their nationalist policies with pressures from the international plane. At the same time, irredentist leaders exploit perceived windows of opportunity in pursuit of their nationalist goals. Ambrosio examines in depth the past, present, and possible irredentist projects of Serbia, Croatia, Hungary, and Armenia within a theoretical and comparative framework. His conclusions yield signficant theoretical findings and important policy implications for both scholars of ethnic conflicts, nationalism, and international relations and policy makers.
This work examines the background to Greek nationalist politics and its effects on public opinion towards international events and territorial claims, from the end of the Second World War to the collapse of constitutional rule in 1967. It explains how intermittent public mobilisation on various foreign policy issues created a political culture that combined elements of nationalism, religion, race and stereotypes about the national Self and the Other. The book challenges widely-held assumptions that Greek irredentism was all but dead and buried in the aftermath of the Asia Minor catastrophe of 1922, and that anti-Americanism was the product of US support for the Colonels' regime of 1967-74 and its condoning of the Turkish occupation of northern Cyprus. It begins with an examination of the revival of irredentism in connection with Greek national claims after 1945 and the two campaigns for the union of Cyprus with Greece during the 1950s and 1960s. The second part of the study reveals anti-Americanism to be largely the result of failed post-war Greek territorial ambitions - particularly the frustration of the Enosis claim - rather than the actual intervention of the United States in Greek affairs. Drawing on a huge variety of sources including the Greek press, records of the Greek Parliament, the US and British National Archives, as well the archives of numerous individuals, this book provides a fascinating account of Greek political culture and national self image at a crucial time in the country's political development.
What is Irredentism? Why does it matter? "Irredentism," part of the "Political Science" series, explores territorial claims rooted in national, ethnic, or historical ties. These claims often cause significant political and social upheavals, making irredentism crucial for understanding global conflicts and political movements. This book provides comprehensive insights into various forms of irredentism, making it an indispensable resource for professionals, students, and enthusiasts seeking a deeper understanding of these territorial disputes. Chapters: 1. Irredentism - Defines irredentism, explores its history, and its impact on modern politics. 2. Italian Irredentism - Examines Italy's historical territorial claims and motivations. 3. Revanchism - Understands revanchism and its implications for national and international policies. 4. United Macedonia - Explores Greater Macedonia's historical roots and contemporary issues. 5. Russian Irredentism - Analyzes Russia's claims on Crimea and Eastern Ukraine and their geopolitical consequences. 6. Vietnamese Irredentism - Highlights Vietnam's territorial claims and regional tensions. 7. Greater Bosnia - Investigates the concept of a Greater Bosnia and its impact on Balkan stability. 8. Nation State - Discusses the nation-state's evolution and irredentist challenges to sovereignty. 9. Separatism - Explores the relationship between separatism and irredentism. 10. List of Irredentist Claims or Disputes - Overview of global irredentist claims. 11. Nationalism - Examines nationalism's role in fostering irredentist sentiments. 12. Ethnic Conflict - Analyzes how irredentist claims lead to ethnic conflicts. 13. Regionalism (Politics) - Discusses regionalism and its influence on irredentism. 14. Greater Morocco - Examines Morocco's claims in Western Sahara. 15. Stateless Nation - Understands stateless nations' irredentist claims for recognition. 16. Pan-nationalism - Explores movements uniting ethnic or national groups across borders. 17. Diaspora Politics - Discusses how diaspora communities support irredentist movements. 18. Azerbaijani Nationalism - Analyzes Azerbaijan's territorial claims and nationalism's role. 19. Expansionism - Explores expansionism and its intersection with irredentist ambitions. 20. Territorial Nationalism - Understands territorial nationalism's impact on border disputes. 21. Ethnic Nationalism - Discusses ethnic nationalism's role in fueling irredentist claims and conflicts. "Irredentism" equips readers with the knowledge to navigate the intricate landscape of territorial politics.
For ethnic minorities in Europe separated by state borders—such as Basques in France and Spain or Hungarians who reside in Slovakia and Romania—the European Union has offered the hope of reconnection or at least of rendering the divisions less obstructive. Conationals on different sides of European borders may look forward to increased political engagement, including new norms to support the sharing of sovereignty, enhanced international cooperation, more porous borders, and invigorated protections for minority rights. Under the pan-European umbrella, it has been claimed that those belonging to divided nations would no longer have to depend solely on the goodwill of the governments of their states to have their collective rights respected. Yet for many divided nations, the promise of the European Union and other pan-European institutions remains unfulfilled. Divided Nations and European Integration examines the impact of the expansion of European institutions and the ways the EU acts as a confederal association of member states, rather than a fully multinational federation of peoples. A wide range of detailed case studies consider national communities long within the borders of the European Union, such as the Irish and Basques; communities that have more recently joined, such as the Croats and Hungarians; and communities that are not yet members but are on its borders or in its "near abroad," such as the Albanians, Serbs, and Kurds. This authoritative volume provides cautionary but valuable insights to students of European institutions, nations and nationalism, regional integration, conflict resolution, and minority rights. Contributors: Tozun Bahcheli, Zoe Bray, Alexandra Channer, Zsuzsa Csergő, Marsaili Fraser, James M. Goldgeier, Michael Keating, Tristan James Mabry, John McGarry, Margaret Moore, Sid Noel, Brendan O'Leary, David Romano, Etain Tannam, Stefan Wolff.
The collapse of an empire can result in the division of families and the redrawing of geographical boundaries. New leaders promise the return of people and territories that may have been lost in the past, often advocating aggressive foreign policies that can result in costly and devastating wars. The final years of the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires, the end of European colonization in Africa and Asia, and the demise of the Soviet Union were all accompanied by war and atrocity. These efforts to reunite lost kin are known as irredentism—territorial claims based on shared ethnic ties made by one state to a minority population residing within another state. For Kin or Country explores this phenomenon, investigating why the collapse of communism prompted more violence in some instances and less violence in others. Despite the tremendous political and economic difficulties facing all former communist states during their transition to a market democracy, only Armenia, Croatia, and Serbia tried to upset existing boundaries. Hungary, Romania, and Russia practiced much more restraint. The authors examine various explanations for the causes of irredentism and for the pursuit of less antagonistic policies, including the efforts by Western Europe to tame Eastern Europe. Ultimately, the authors find that internal forces drive irredentist policy even at the risk of a country's self-destruction and that xenophobia may have actually worked to stabilize many postcommunist states in Eastern Europe. Events in Russia and Eastern Europe in 2014 have again brought irredentism into the headlines. In a new Introduction, the authors address some of the events and dynamics that have developed since the original version of the book was published. By focusing on how nationalist identity interact with the interests of politicians, For Kin or Country explains why some states engage in aggressive irredentism and when others forgo those opportunities that is as relevant to Russia and Ukraine in 2014 as it was for Serbia, Croatia, and Armenia in the 1990s.