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As the monthly periodical of the early twentieth century women's movement, "International Woman Suffrage" (originally "Ius Suffragii") was read by the leading figures of the suffrage movement in more than thirty countries. Featuring an in-depth introduction to the material and its social and historical context, this four-volume set reprints eight years of the journal, making this rare resource available to students and researchers in a variety of disciplines. In addition to women's fight for the vote, "International Woman Suffrage 1913-1920" covered such highly controversial topics as the age of consent for girls, alcohol control, education of girls, new employment openings for women, divorce law reform, health insurance for mothers, maternity benefits, minimum wages, prostitution, women medical workers, women police, women politicians, and other subjects of debate. Truly global for its time, issues included articles by women from Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bohemia, British India, Bulgaria, Canada, China, Denmark, Egypt, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Philippines, Rumania, Russia, South Africa, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey and the USA.
As the monthly periodical of the early twentieth century women's movement, "International Woman Suffrage" (originally "Ius Suffragii") was read by the leading figures of the suffrage movement in more than thirty countries. Featuring an in-depth introduction to the material and its social and historical context, this four-volume set reprints eight years of the journal, making this rare resource available to students and researchers in a variety of disciplines. In addition to women's fight for the vote, "International Woman Suffrage 1913-1920" covered such highly controversial topics as the age of consent for girls, alcohol control, education of girls, new employment openings for women, divorce law reform, health insurance for mothers, maternity benefits, minimum wages, prostitution, women medical workers, women police, women politicians, and other subjects of debate. Truly global for its time, issues included articles by women from Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bohemia, British India, Bulgaria, Canada, China, Denmark, Egypt, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Philippines, Rumania, Russia, South Africa, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey and the USA.
As the monthly periodical of the early twentieth century women's movement, "International Woman Suffrage" (originally "Ius Suffragii") was read by the leading figures of the suffrage movement in more than thirty countries. Featuring an in-depth introduction to the material and its social and historical context, this four-volume set reprints eight years of the journal, making this rare resource available to students and researchers in a variety of disciplines. In addition to women's fight for the vote, "International Woman Suffrage 1913-1920" covered such highly controversial topics as the age of consent for girls, alcohol control, education of girls, new employment openings for women, divorce law reform, health insurance for mothers, maternity benefits, minimum wages, prostitution, women medical workers, women police, women politicians, and other subjects of debate. Truly global for its time, issues included articles by women from Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bohemia, British India, Bulgaria, Canada, China, Denmark, Egypt, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Philippines, Rumania, Russia, South Africa, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey and the USA.
As the monthly periodical of the early twentieth century women's movement, "International Woman Suffrage" (originally "Ius Suffragii") was read by the leading figures of the suffrage movement in more than thirty countries. Featuring an in-depth introduction to the material and its social and historical context, this four-volume set reprints eight years of the journal, making this rare resource available to students and researchers in a variety of disciplines. In addition to women's fight for the vote, "International Woman Suffrage 1913-1920" covered such highly controversial topics as the age of consent for girls, alcohol control, education of girls, new employment openings for women, divorce law reform, health insurance for mothers, maternity benefits, minimum wages, prostitution, women medical workers, women police, women politicians, and other subjects of debate. Truly global for its time, issues included articles by women from Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bohemia, British India, Bulgaria, Canada, China, Denmark, Egypt, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Philippines, Rumania, Russia, South Africa, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey and the USA.
Since its composition in Washington's Willard Hotel in 1861, Julia Ward Howe's "Battle Hymn of the Republic" has been used to make America and its wars sacred. Few Americans reflect on its violent and redemptive imagery, drawn freely from prophetic passages of the Old and New Testaments, and fewer still think about the implications of that apocalyptic language for how Americans interpret who they are and what they owe the world. In A Fiery Gospel, Richard M. Gamble describes how this camp-meeting tune, paired with Howe's evocative lyrics, became one of the most effective instruments of religious nationalism. He takes the reader back to the song's origins during the Civil War, and reveals how those political and military circumstances launched the song's incredible career in American public life. Gamble deftly considers the idea behind the song—humming the tune, reading the music for us—all while reveling in the multiplicity of meanings of and uses to which Howe's lyrics have been put. "The Battle Hymn of the Republic" has been versatile enough to match the needs of Civil Rights activists and conservative nationalists, war hawks and peaceniks, as well as Europeans and Americans. This varied career shows readers much about the shifting shape of American righteousness. Yet it is, argues Gamble, the creator of the song herself—her Abolitionist household, Unitarian theology, and Romantic and nationalist sensibilities—that is the true conductor of this most American of war songs. A Fiery Gospel depicts most vividly the surprising genealogy of "The Battle Hymn of the Republic," and its sure and certain position as a cultural piece in the uncertain amalgam that was and is American civil religion.
The years 1909-1918 can be regarded as formative for MI5, an era in which it developed from a small counterespionage bureau into an established security intelligence agency. MI5 had two main roles during this period; counterespionage, and advising the War Office on how to deal with the police and the civilian population, particularly foreign nationals in Britain. Using hitherto neglected documents from official archives, this study examines how MI5 foiled the spies of the Kaiser during the First World War, paying particular attention to the preventive measures the organization instituted to ‘frustrate’ espionage and how its investigations to ‘cure’ espionage were conducted. In so doing, intelligence specialist, Chris Northcott, also delivers an appreciation of how MI5 saw its work as being divided between preventive measures and investigative work, providing an informative and intriguing insight into MI5’s development during its first ten years. MI5 began as a one-man affair in 1909, tasked with the limited remit of ascertaining the extent of German espionage in Britain amidst an uncertain future. By the armistice MI5’s role had expanded considerably and it had begun to develop into an established security intelligence agency, with hundreds of personnel spread over six branches covering the investigation of espionage, records, ports and travelers and alien workers at home and overseas. This book offers an original and important contribution to our knowledge of the origins of Britain’s security services. In using the example of MI5’s contest against German spies during the First World War era, it forms a groundbreaking study of counterespionage strategy and tactics, and it poses the stimulating question of ‘how to measure’ the effectiveness of a counterespionage agency. It also sets out probably the most detailed description of MI5’s organizational structure available.
This broad-ranging book examines the creation, through the arts and culture, of societies that enjoy sustainable, positive peace. It begins with a critique of the pervasive nature of militarism and violence embedded deep in the cultural fabric of many societies, influencing the language and discourses we use, the films we watch, our museums and histories, our journalism, and our education systems. It also examines the roots of violence in our parenting styles, gender roles, and spiritual practices. It contrasts this with an examination of a number of peaceful societies that already exist, drawing useful lessons from their cultures. It critiques discrepancies in history education with regard to war and peace and examines artistic and cultural processes, institutions, and artifacts designed to create peace, such as peace museums and parks, peace journalism, peace education, and resistance to violence through cultural means, such as film-making, fine arts, satirical theatre, and protest music. Solutions-oriented, it examines the efficacy of these attempts and suggests positive ways forward. It also explores the role of gender in creating cultures of peace and the impacts on peacebuilding of cultivating peace within.
The first biography of Gertrude Richardson (1875-1946), A Reconstructed World reveals her key role in the development of feminism and pacifism in England and Canada and her remarkable accomplishments as both an activist and a writer.
The image of middle-class women chaining themselves to the rails of 10 Downing Street, smashing windows of public buildings, and going on hunger strikes in the cause of "votes for women" have become visually synonymous with the British suffragette movement over the past century. Their story has become a defining moment in feminist history, in effect separating women's fight for voting rights from contemporary issues in British political history and disconnecting their militancy from other forms of political activism in Britain in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Drawing upon private papers, pamphlets, newspapers, and the records of a range of suffrage and political organizations, Laura E. Nym Mayhall examines militancy as both a political idea and a set of practices that suffragettes employed to challenge their exclusion from the political nation. She traces the development of the suffragettes' concept of resistance from its origins within radical liberal discourse in the 1860s, to its emergence as political practice during Britain's involvement in the South African War, its reliance on dramatic spectacle by suffragette organizations, and its memorialization following enfranchisement. She reads closely the language and tactics militants used, analyzing their challenges in the courtroom, on the street, and through legislation as reasoned actions of female citizens. The differences in strategy among militants are highlighted, not just in the use of violence, but also in their acceptance and rejection of the authority of the law and their definitions of the ideal relationship between individuals and the state. Variations in the nature of protest continued even during World War I, when most suffragettes suspended their activities to serve the nation's war effort, while others joined peace movements, opposed the state's reduction of civil liberties in wartime, and continued the struggle for suffrage. Mayhall's revealing account of the militant suffrage movement sheds new light upon the social history of gender but, more importantly, it connects this movement to the political and intellectual history of Britain. Not only did militancy play an essential role in the achievement of women's political rights but it also contributed to the practice of engaged citizenship and the growth of liberal democracy.
Following the Brexit vote, this book offers a timely historical assessment of the different ways that Britain’s economic future has been imagined and how British ideas have influenced global debates about market relationships over the past two centuries. The 2016 EU referendum hinged to a substantial degree on how competing visions of the UK should engage with foreign markets, which in turn were shaped by competing understandings of Britain’s economic past. The book considers the following inter-related questions: - What roles does economic imagination play in shaping people’s behaviour and how far can insights from behavioural economics be applied to historical issues of market selection? - How useful is the concept of the ‘official mind’ for explaining the development of market relationships? - What has been the relationship between expanding communications and the development of markets? - How and why have certain regions or groupings (e.g. the Commonwealth) been ‘unimagined’- losing their status as promising markets for the future?