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This book mainly explored the driving forces and evolvement of Myanmar’s China policy since 1988 by adopting a neo-classical realist apporach, an emerging theoretical paradigm aiming at analyzing state’s foreign behaviour by connecting systemic and unit variables which refers to external environments and domestic restraints respectively. It is the first book that seeks to give a theoretical explanation of Myanmar’s diplomacy, thereby bridging the gap from basic research to the deep one with theories. It also introduced the concept of strategic preference and argued that the competing strategic preference that the Burmese leaders have, namely “integration” and “isolation”, determines Myanmar’s responses to China in the Post-Cold War era, which not only demonstrates the neo-classical realism as an useful instrument of looking into state’s foreign policy and deepens the understanding on Myanmar-China relations.The main content of this book is divided into seven parts, in which the first chapter introduces the background, the present study on Myanmar’s China policy and China’s Myanmar policy, the analytical framework, and the arrangement of the content. Chapter 2 focuses on the roots and changes of Myanmar’s competing strategic preference as well as its influences on Myanmar’s foreign policy. The following four chapters examine the international pressures and benefits imposed by systemic imperatives, and Burmese leaders’ specific strategic preference since 1988, and investigate Myanmar’s policy towards China in different periods. Finally, it provides a comprehensive conclusion that outlines and reviews the origins and evolution of Myanmar’s China policy, and predicts its future directions.This book is suitable for the graduates and experts who are interested in international relations, the Asian studies and neo-classical realism in particular, and Myanmar politics and foreign relations, as well as China’s relation with neighboring countries.
This book mainly explored the driving forces and evolvement of Myanmars China policy since 1988 by adopting a neo-classical realist apporach, an emerging theoretical paradigm aiming at analyzing states foreign behaviour by connecting systemic and unit variables which refers to external environments and domestic restraints respectively. It is the first book that seeks to give a theoretical explanation of Myanmars diplomacy, thereby bridging the gap from basic research to the deep one with theories. It also introduced the concept of strategic preference and argued that the competing strategic preference that the Burmese leaders have, namely "integration" and "isolation", determines Myanmars responses to China in the Post-Cold War era, which not only demonstrates the neo-classical realism as an useful instrument of looking into states foreign policy and deepens the understanding on Myanmar-China relations. The main content of this book is divided into seven parts, in which the first chapter introduces the background, the present study on Myanmars China policy and Chinas Myanmar policy, the analytical framework, and the arrangement of the content. Chapter 2 focuses on the roots and changes of Myanmars competing strategic preference as well as its influences on Myanmars foreign policy. The following four chapters examine the international pressures and benefits imposed by systemic imperatives, and Burmese leaders specific strategic preference since 1988, and investigate Myanmars policy towards China in different periods. Finally, it provides a comprehensive conclusion that outlines and reviews the origins and evolution of Myanmars China policy, and predicts its future directions. This book is suitable for the graduates and experts who are interested in international relations, the Asian studies and neo-classical realism in particular, and Myanmar politics and foreign relations, as well as Chinas relation with neighboring cou ntries.
Updated by popular demand, this is the fourth edition of this important bibliography. It lists a wide selection of works on or about Myanmar published in English and in hard copy since the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, which marked the beginning of a new era in Myanmar’s modern history. There are now 2,727 titles listed. They have been written, edited, translated or compiled by over 2,000 people, from many different backgrounds. These works have been organized into thirty-five subject chapters containing ninety-five discrete sections. There are also four appendices, including a comprehensive reading guide for those unfamiliar with Myanmar or who may be seeking guidance on particular topics. This book is an invaluable aid to officials, scholars, journalists, armchair travellers and others with an interest in this fascinating but deeply troubled country.
This book analyzes two main trends of prevailing populism and nationalism in China and Southeast Asian nations and rising tensions in the South China Sea (SCS) by experts from China and Southeast Asia. The book involves the most recent developments and indicates future trends. This is the first book which goes deeply into the SCS dispute from the perspectives on populism and nationalism and thus highlighting their significance in Asian politics. The broad approach adopted in the book with focus on all important countries expands the scope of readership beyond specific academic community. The book interests academics, policy makers, journalists, general reader, and students of Asian politics. The main body of this book is divided into 8 parts, in which the first section briefly introduces the aims and scope of this book. The following 7 parts look at the new development of populism and nationalism in China and ASEAN claimant states and some important non-claimant states mainly including the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, Cambodia, and its multiple effects on the SCS dispute.
"Resolving contradictions in accepted history, Velikovsky and Sweeney conclude that all the ancient civilizations arose simultaneously around 1100 BC. Archaeological evidence of the Flood, the Tower, the rise of the first literate cultures, and the great migration westward toward Egypt support this view and also reveal Imhotep to be the same person as Joseph, son of Jacob"--
This book aims to examine the multiple effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on China-Southeast Asia relations from both Chinese and Southeast Asian perspectives. It invites many officials and scholars from the leading think-tanks and famous universities in China and Southeast Asian states to contribute and tries to reveal how has China-Southeast Asia relations been reshaping during/after the COVID-19 pandemic and discuss what kind of measures could be taken to push forward China-Southeast Asia relations and thus ensuring the peace and prosperity in the region. The main content of this book is divided into 10 parts, in which the first chapter briefly introduces the COVID-19 situation in China and Southeast Asia, China’s anti-COVID efforts, and the impacts of the COVID-19 on China-Southeast Asia relations from Chinese and Southeast Asian perspectives. Chapter 2 examines the dual influence of the pandemic on the construction of China-ASEAN community of a shared future and gave some useful policy recommendations on improving China-Southeast Asia relations. The following 8 chapters go deep into the Southeast Asian states’ response to COVID-19 and the economic, political and social effects of the COVID-19 on Southeast Asia–China relations, and look forward the future development of such relations. In addition, it also analyzes Southeast states’ reactions to the intense Sino-US power rivalry during/after the COVID-19 pandemic. This book is probably the first comprehensive study that investigates the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on China–Southeast Asia relations from both Chinese and Southeast Asian perspectives. It would not only open up a new area of study on China and Southeast Asia relations, but provide insightful observations and useful information for governments, companies and social organizations to facilitate cooperation in trade and investment, public health, and people-to-people exchanges. Therefore, the intended readership not only includes the academics but also officials, businessmen, journalists and social activists. The most important feature of this book is that it points out China–Southeast Asia relations would be reshaped by COVID-19 in the long run and analyzes how it would be reshaped. It also shows a well-balanced view on the COVID-19 and China–Southeast Asia relations as both university scholars, think-tank experts and government officials are involved in this book.
This book aims to analyze two contrasting trends of integration and rivalry among great powers and regional states of Himalaya. It examines the interactions between the great powers and the small states in the Himalayan region, analyzes the multiple effects of the great power rivalry on the regional cooperation, and predicts the possible directions of the future of the geo-politics and geo-economy in the Himalayan region by incorporating the most recent developments. The main content of the book is divided into 11 parts. The Introduction briefly explains the aims and scope of this book. The following chapter focuses on the Buddhist ties between China and the Himalayan states in the past two millennia and its dual influence in the Himalayan region. The rest 9 chapters provide an in-depth analyses of the security dilemma between China and India, Indian perspectives on China-South Asian relations, Chinese perspectives on U.S. and Japan's engagement with South Asia and Indo-Myanmar relations, and Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal's responses to the regional integration and great power rivalry in the Himalayan region respectively. This is the first study which brings the Himalaya region at the center of geopolitical and geo-economics cooperation and rivalry thus highlighting its significance in Asian politics. It offers a comprehensive analysis of the complicated geo-political and geo-economic competition in the Himalayan region by inviting experts from both South Asia and China to contribute chapters. It also balances the west-centered views on the great power rivalry by introducing cultural perspective and small state perspective. The broad approach adopted in the book with focus on all important countries expands the scope of readership beyond specific academic community. The book will interest academics, policy makers, journalists, general reader and students of Asian politics.
China's continuing rapid economic growth and expanding involvement in global affairs pose major implications for the power structure of the international system. To more accurately and fully assess the significance of China's emergence for the United States and the global community, it is necessary to gain a more complete understanding of Chinese security thought and behavior. This study addresses such questions as: What are China's most fundamental national security objectives? How has the Chinese state employed force and diplomacy in the pursuit of these objectives over the centuries? What security strategy does China pursue today and how will it evolve in the future? The study asserts that Chinese history, the behavior of earlier rising powers, and the basic structure and logic of international power relations all suggest that, although a strong China will likely become more assertive globally, this possibility is unlikely to emerge before 2015-2020 at the earliest. To handle this situation, the study argues that the United States should adopt a policy of realistic engagement with China that combines efforts to pursue cooperation whenever possible; to prevent, if necessary, the acquisition by China of capabilities that would threaten America's core national security interests; and to remain prepared to cope with the consequences of a more assertive China.
Since its independence in January 1948, Myanmar has tried to find a way to deal with (at one time) ideologically hostile and traditionally chauvinistic China which has pursued a foreign policy aimed at restoring its perceived influence in Myanmar. To counter China's attempts to influence Myanmar's foreign policy options has always been a challenge for the Myanmar government. Since the 1950s, successive Myanmar governments have realized that Myanmar's bilateral relations with the People's Republic of China should best be conducted in the context of promoting the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, the Bandung spirit and the Pauk-Phaw (kinsfolk) friendship. The term Pauk-Phaw is exclusively devoted to denote the special nature of the Sino-Myanmar relationship. This work argues that Myanmar's relationship with China is asymmetric but Myanmar skilfully plays the "China Card" and it enjoys considerable space in its conduct of foreign relations. So long as both sides fulfill the obligations that come under "Pauk-Phaw" friendship, the relationship will remain smooth. Myanmar has constantly repositioned her relations with China to her best advantage. Myanmar's China policy has always been placed somewhere in between balancing and bandwagoning, and the juxtaposition of accommodating China's regional strategic interests and resisting Chinese influence and interference in Myanmar's internal affairs has been a hallmark of Myanmar's China policy. This is likely to remain unchanged.
This Adelphi Paper examines Myanmar's foreign policy, which is predicated on state-building and development, as well as on defending the regime's priority of establishing an enduring constitution over democratization.