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This book examines the concept of peace and the relevance of historical and contextual factors that contribute to peaceful coexistence of people, and dives into a deep examination of how democracy furthers peace especially in conflict prone countries. Seven case studies illustrate the impact of democratization on transformation and prevention.
Commencing with Susan Sontag's line that "the only worthwhile answers are those that blow up the questions," ten contributions by UK and US academics critique the "democratic peace" (DP) prescription for inter-state peace of "just add liberal democracy." Contextualizing the DP literature historically and internationally, they call for reassessment of the complex inter-relationships among democracy, liberalism, and war in the global revolution; provide a table summarizing war and democracy by world order periods; and identify directions for future research. Based on US workshops in 1998 and 2000. Barkawi and Laffey are lecturers in international relations, the former at the U. of Wales, Aberystwyth and the latter at the U. of London.--
Transnational Perspectives on Democracy, Citizenship, Human Rights, and Peace Education considers ways in which national systems of education could work together, across borders, to determine the meaning and significance of the principles of democracy, human rights and peace education, in ways that are comparative and relational. The contributors and editors (Mary Drinkwater, Fazal Rizvi and Karen Edge) argue that in an era of globalization, collaborative investigations are crucial for developing an understanding of rights, democracy and peace that is transnationally inflected, and through which national systems of education hold each other accountable. The chapters address issues such as citizenship, identity, language, conflict and peace-building, global educational policy, and democratic approaches to policy and education issues of democracy, human rights and peace education through analyses of case studies, research findings and policy initiatives drawn from countries in the global north and south.
Are democracies less likely to go to war than other kinds of states? This question is of tremendous importance in both academic and policy-making circles and one that has been debated by political scientists for years. The Clinton administration, in particular, has argued that the United States should endeavor to promote democracy around the world. This timely reader includes some of the most influential articles in the debate that have appeared in the journal International Security during the past two years, adding two seminal pieces published elsewhere to make a more balanced and complete collection, suitable for classroom use.
Civil Paths to Peace contains the analyses and findings of the Commonwealth Commission on Respect and Understanding, established in response to the 2005 request of Commonwealth Head of Government for the Commonwealth Secretary-General to 'explore initiatives to promote mutual understanding and respect among all faiths and communities in the Commonwealth.' This report focuses particularly on the issues of terrorism, extremism, conflict and violence, which are much in ascendancy and afflict Commonwealth countries as well as the rest of the world. It argues that cultivating respect and understanding is both important in itself and consequential in reducing violence and terrorism. It further argues that cultivated violence is generated through fomenting disrespect and fostering confrontational misunderstandings. The report looks at the mechanisms through which violence is cultivated through advocacy and recruitment, and the pre-existing inequalities, deprivations and humiliations on which those advocacies draw. These diagnoses also clear the way for methods of countering disaffection and violence. In various chapters the different connections are explored and examined to yield general policy recommendations. Accepting diversity, respecting all human beings, and understanding the richness of perspectives that people have are of great relevance for all Commonwealth countries, and for its 1.8 billion people. They are also importance for the rest of the world. The civil paths to peace are presented here for use both inside the Commonwealth and beyond its boundaries. The Commonwealth has survived and flourished, despite the hostilities associated with past colonial history, through the use of a number of far-sighted guiding principles. The Commission argues that those principles have continuing relevance today for the future of the Commonwealth--and also for the world at large.
For review see: David Scott Palmer, in The Hispanic American historical review (HAHR), 75, 1 (February 1995); p. 134-135.
The end of the Cold War created an opportunity for the United Nations to reconceptualize the rationale and extent of its peacebuilding efforts, and in the 1990s, democracy and good governance became legitimizing concepts for an expansion of UN activities. The United Nations sought not only to democratize disorderly states but also to take responsibility for protecting people around the world from a range of dangers, including poverty, disease, natural disasters, and gross violations of human rights. National sovereignty came to be considered less an entitlement enforced by international law than a privilege based on states’ satisfactory performance of their perceived obligations. In Governing Disorder, Laura Zanotti combines her firsthand experience of UN peacebuilding operations with the insights of Michel Foucault to examine the genealogy of post–Cold War discourses promoting international security. Zanotti also maps the changes in legitimizing principles for intervention, explores the specific techniques of governance deployed in UN operations, and identifies the forms of resistance these operations encounter from local populations and the (often unintended) political consequences they produce. Case studies of UN interventions in Haiti and Croatia allow her to highlight the dynamics at play in the interactions between local societies and international peacekeepers.
An evidence-based analysis of governance focusing on the institutional capacities and qualities that reduce the risk of armed conflict.
"Transnational Perspectives on Democracy, Citizenship, Human Rights, and Peace Education considers ways in which national systems of education could work together, across borders, to determine the meaning and significance of the principles of democracy, human rights and peace education, in ways that are comparative and relational. The contributors and editors (Mary Drinkwater, Fazal Rizvi and Karen Edge) argue that in an era of globalization, collaborative investigations are crucial for developing an understanding of rights, democracy and peace that is transnationally inflected, and through which national systems of education hold each other accountable. The chapters address issues such as citizenship, identity, language, conflict and peace-building, global educational policy, and democratic approaches to policy and education issues of democracy, human rights and peace education through analyses of case studies, research findings and policy initiatives drawn from countries in the global north and south."--Bloomsbury Publishing.
Bachelor Thesis from the year 2006 in the subject Politics - Political Theory and the History of Ideas Journal, grade: 1,0, Manchester Metropolitan University Business School (Department of Politics), course: BA Thesis, language: English, abstract: Abstract There is no regularity in international relations that is as imperturbable as the democratic peace. From the beginning of the statistical research in 1816 until today, no clear-cut case of war between two democratic states has been recorded. The democratic peace has obstinately kept the secret of its causal mechanism. No convincing theory as to its cause has been widely accepted. It is the aim of this dissertation to provide an alternative explanation for why democracies do not fight each other. Empirical research can only account for correlation but not for causal mechanisms. This dissertation thus concentrates on the theoretical explanations. Scholars developed approaches to account for the democratic peace ranging from constructivist through the sociological to game-theoretical methodology. They focus on the single democratic state, the relation between two democratic states and, recently, the international system itself. This dissertation critically examines a number of such theories which vary in methodology and focus. Especially, arguments by Russett, Doyle and Müller are given attention, but, to a greater or lesser extent, they are flawed or insufficient. At the same time, this dissertation points out a number of special characteristics of democratic states of importance. Pulling those together, an approach is proposed based on the assumption that the international system itself bears a major responsibility for the democratic peace. Supporting an approach by Hasenclever, it is argued that international institutions set up by democratic states are especially capable of mitigating conflicts and thus prevent war. Together with the special features of their member-states, such organisations account for the peaceful behaviour of democracies.[...]