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This is the first book to examine in detail the relationship between the Cold War and International Law.
This book addresses the issue of the legality of the use of nuclear weapons under international law. It includes forwarding remarks by Robert S. McNamara, David W. Leebron, and Kosta Tsipis. Moxley analyzes the question in light of the July 1996 advisory opinion issued by the International Court of Justice, the law as articulated by the United States, and generally recognized facts as to the characteristics and effects of nuclear weapons. He concludes that the use of nuclear weapons is per se unlawful under the rules of international law and facts recognized by the United States. Nuclear Weapons and International Law in the Post Cold War World is an unprecedented exploration of the application of the necessity, proportionality and discrimination of principles of international law to nuclear weapons.
This book follows the history of the international law of peace and armed conflict over the last 25 years. It highlights both the parameters that have remained the same over the years as well as the new challenges now facing international law. The articles analyze new developments concerning the prohibition of the use of force in international relations, self-determination of peoples, human rights and human security as well as international coordination of humanitarian assistance.
Centering on the theme of 'progressiveness', this powerful volume offers important new perspectives on the history, theory and practice of international law. Covering topics of great contemporary relevance such as the use of force, human rights and sovereignty, this book is of essential interest to lawyers, historians and political scientists.
International law, sometimes called the law of nations, has evolved over the last 400 years. The three major sources of international law according to Article 38 of the Statute of the International Court of Justice are: international conventions or treaties; international customs; and the general principles of law as recognized by civilized nations. The Permanent Court of Arbitration was established by the Hague Conferences of 1899 and 1907, and the Permanent Court of International Justice was set up in 1921 and succeeded in 1946 by the International Court of Justice. Since World War II international organizations such as the UN and its related bodies have contributed to the expansion and increased scope of international law to include political and strategic affairs, economic, social, communications, and environmental matters. By the 1990s international law had shown its durability and flexibility by expanding to cover new areas of world relations, and its efficacy through the machinery of the UN.
International law suffered a drastic loss of respect during the Cold War for being neither consistently observed nor enforced by the superpowers, especially when their vital interests were at stake. In this volume, authors from the United States and the former Soviet Union have worked in pairs on each of ten timely and important topics in international law, aiming toward genuinely collaborative scholarship to bridge and overcome Cold War divisions. The results make a significant and original contribution to a new generation of international legal scholarship.
This book brings together 18 contributions by authors from different legal systems and backgrounds. They address the political implications of the writing of the history of legal issues ranging from slavery over the use of force and extraterritorial jurisdiction to Eurocentrism.
Momentous events of recent years have shown the tremendous potential for developing and applying international law, even in the area that has always presented the greatest challenge to the rule of law—the use of force. The collaborative response by the United States, the Soviet Union, and other major powers to the Iraqi army's invasion and occupation of Kuwait showed unprecedented unity on the relevance of international law, its rules, and its enforceability through decisions of the UN Security Council. What explains this historic convergence of views? What differences remain about the legality of using armed force in the new international order that is emerging with the end of the Cold War? Law and Force in the New International Order offers a timely and comprehensive inquiry into the growing number of situations where the temptation or necessity to use military force confronts the tenets of international law. Distinguished American and Soviet legal scholars and practitioners explore the idea of the primacy of law over politics, the notion held by some that U.S. military force may be applied for the sake of democracy at a time when Moscow has rejected the Brezhnev Doctrine, the tension between collective security and collective self-defense during the Iraq-Kuwait crisis, and the prospects for the use of force being authorized by the United Nations and regional organizations. The contributors also examine the vexing legal issues raised by interventions to protect human rights, to overthrow "illegitimate" regimes, and to combat international terrorism and drug trafficking; the restraints on the use of force promised by new arms control agreements; and the future role of the World Court and other tribunals in preventing or settling disputes involving the threat or use of force.
This book analyses the emerging practice in the post-Cold War era of the creation of a democratic political system along with the creation of new states. The existing literature either tends to conflate self-determination and democracy or dismisses the legal relevance of the emerging practice on the basis that democracy is not a statehood criterion. Such arguments are simplistic. The statehood criteria in contemporary international law are largely irrelevant and do not automatically or self-evidently determine whether or not an entity has emerged as a new state. The question to be asked, therefore, is not whether democracy has become a statehood criterion. The emergence of new states is rather a law-governed political process in which certain requirements regarding the type of a government may be imposed internationally. And in this process the introduction of a democratic political system is equally as relevant or irrelevant as the statehood criteria. The book demonstrates that via the right of self-determination the law of statehood requires state creation to be a democratic process, but that this requirement should not be interpreted too broadly. The democratic process in this context governs independence referenda and does not interfere with the choice of a political system. This book has been awarded Joint Second Prize for the 2014 Society of Legal Scholars Peter Birks Prize for Outstanding Legal Scholarship.
Secrecy is a staple of world politics and a pervasive feature of political life. Leaders keep secrets as they conduct sensitive diplomatic missions, convince reluctant publics to throw their support behind costly wars, and collect sensitive intelligence about sworn enemies. In the Shadow of International Law explores one of the most controversial forms of secret statecraft: the use of covert action to change or overthrow foreign regimes. Drawing from a broad range of cases of US-backed regime change during the Cold War, Michael Poznansky develops a legal theory of covert action to explain why leaders sometimes turn to covert action when conducting regime change, rather than using force to accomplish the same objective. He highlights the surprising role international law plays in these decisions and finds that once the nonintervention principle-which proscribes unwanted violations of another state's sovereignty-was codified in international law in the mid-twentieth century, states became more reluctant to pursue overt regime change without proper cause. Further, absent a legal exemption to nonintervention such as a credible self-defense claim or authorization from an international body, states were more likely to pursue regime change covertly and concealing brazen violations of international law. Shining a light on the secret underpinnings of the liberal international order, the conduct of foreign-imposed regime change, and the impact of international law on state behavior, Poznansky speaks to the potential consequences of America abandoning its role as the steward of the postwar order, as well as the promise and peril of promoting new rules and norms in cyberspace.