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First published in 1997, this book explored Russia’s politics at an important phase in the life of the Russian state. Focusing on the different types of cooperative interactings between Russia and the fourteen other republics of the former Doviet Union from mid 1990-late 91. The book brings out the nature of the Russians effort to reconfigure its ties with these republics. At a time when the Soviet empire with an aim to limit the damage to the interests of the Russians. As the author concludes, Russia’s inter-republican cooperation was a carefully thought-out policy to undermine the Gorbachev government’s effort to control centre-periphery relations and manage the uncontrolled break-up of the Soviet Union. Russia signalled, through its cooperative relations with the republics, that it was willing to accept the republics as sovereign and view its own interaction with them as inter-state relations.
Combining the approaches of three fields of scholarship - political science, law and Russian area- tudies - the author explores the foundations and future of the Russian Federation. Russia's political elite have struggled to build an extraordinarily complex federal system, one that incorporates eighty-nine different units and scores of different ethnic groups, which sometimes harbor long histories of resentment against Russian imperial and Soviet legacies. This bookexamines the public debates, official documents and political deals that built Russia's federal house on very unsteady foundations, often out of the ideological, conceptual and physical rubble of the ancien régime. One of the major goals of this book is, where appropriate, to bring together the insights ofcomparative law and comparative politics in the study of the development of Russia's attempts to create - as its constitution states in the very first article - a 'Democratic, federal, rule-of-law state'
This electronic version has been made available under a Creative Commons (BY-NC-ND) open access license. Eurasian security governance has received increasing attention since 1989. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet Union, is now relatively ill-equipped resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance. This book investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. It investigates both the state in post-Soviet Eurasia as the primary site of institutionalisation and the state's concerted international action in the sphere of security. This investigation requires a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon marked the maturation of what had been described as the 'new terrorism'. Jervis has argued that the western system of security governance produced a security community that was contingent upon five necessary and sufficient conditions. The United States has made an effort to integrate China, Russia into the Atlantic security system via the Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. Successfully rebalancing the West and building a collaborative system with Russia, China, Europe and America probably requires more wisdom and skill from the world's leaders.
This textbook examines the external relations of the fifteen new states which emerged from the ashes of the Soviet Union in 1991. Mark Webber examines the consequences of the Soviet collapse and the emergence of a new system of international relations embracing Russia and the other former Soviet republics. The author explores both relations between the new states themselves and between these states and the wider world. He pinpoints the daunting challenges facing the new states: the invention of foreign policy orientations; the management of the Red Army’s material legacy, including nuclear weapons; the resolution of regional conflicts; and the need for economic revival. Two key themes emerge: the reassertion of national identities, and the special position of Russia, which has assumed to some extent the rights and the obligations of the Soviet Union on the world stage whilst having to tackle the chaos of local wars and internal economic collapse.
"Relying on a wealth of detailed institutional, policy, and elite information, Hahn presents a magisterial study that fills a significant void in our understanding of USSR's destruction. While readers may at times feel overwhelmed.... readers are presented with a conceptual approach that can be useful for appreciating ongoing institutional changes and oftern subtle elite maneuverings in the post-Soviet era. --John P. Willerton, University of Arizona "This is a big book in all respects, weighty both in size and scholarship. The core is a meticulous analysis of the perestroika period of the Soviet Union (1985-91). Followed by a concluding general chapter that applies the earlier analysis to post-Communist Russia (1992-2000). The work is based on years of painstaking analysis, considerable archival research, and numerous interviews." -- The Russian Review "This is an important book with a number of substantive strengths." -- Slavic Review The fall of the Soviet communist regime in 1991 offers a challenging contrast to other instances of democratic transition and change in the last decades of the twentieth century. The 1991 revolution was neither a peaceful revolution from below as occurred in Czechoslovakia nor a negotiated transition to democracy like those in Poland, Hungary, or Latin America. It was not primarily the result of social modernization, the rise of a new middle class, or of national liberation movements in the non-Russian union republics. Instead, as Gordon Hahn argues, the Russian transformation was a bureaucrat-led, state-based revolution managed by a group of Communist Party functionaries who won control over the Russian Republic (RSFSR) in the mid-1990s. Hahn describes how opportunistic Party and state officials, led by Boris Yeltsin, defected from the Gorbachev camp and proceeded in 1990-91 to dismantle the institutions that bound state and party. These revolutionaries from above seized control of political, economic, natural and human resources, and then separated the party apparatus from state institutions on Russian Republic territory. With the failed August 1991 hard-line coup, Yeltsin banned the Communist Party and decreed that all Union state organs, including the KGB and military were under RSFSR control. In Hahn's account, this mode of revolutionary change from above explains the troubled development of democracy in Russia and the former Soviet republics. Hahn shows how limited mobilization of the masses stunted the development of civil societies and the formation of political parties and trade unions with real grass roots. The result is a weak society unable to nudge the state to concentrate on institutional reforms society needs for the development of a free polity and economy. Russia's Revolution from Above goes far in correcting the historical record and reconceptualizing the Soviet transformation. It should be read by historians, economists, political scientists, and Russia area scholars. Gordon M. Hahn is visiting scholar at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. His articles on Soviet and Russian politics have appeared in Europe-Asia Studies, Problems of Post-Communism, Russian Review, and Russian History/Histoire Russe.
First published in 1999, this book analyses the national interests of Russia as thy are indicated by the current policies of the Russian government and formulated in public and not so public discussions in high echelons of government. The author not only sums up and critically reviews those interests in general, but gives detailed analysis of specific interests of Russia in Europe, Asia and the Middle East. A large chapter is devoted to the review of converging and diverging interests of the USA and Russia. The main value of the book is in its philosophical aspect. An outstanding Russian foreign policy expert, who for 20 years participated in inner debates on a high level on issues of Soviet foreign policy and was considered by US politicians and scholars to be one of the top experts in Moscow on the US foreign policy and military strategy, muses over the fate of Russia and its current foreign policy (and domestic) predicaments.
This annual report, covering events in 1994, is a concise factual compendium of cross-country trade and trade-related developments.
The post-Communist world has seen a dramatic revival of ethnicity and nationalism. The volume explores the contemporary sources, scope and intensity of nationality conflicts in the context of a disintegrating Soviet Empire. The authors address themselves to the resurgence of ethnicity and nationalism within the former Soviet imperium, Yugoslavia, Hungary, Bulgaria and China and examine the consequences of perestroika and glasnost. Central issues involve identity formation, the nature and implications of ethnic and internal conflicts and possible paths toward resolution.
This book presents a detailed assessment of the conditions for security relations between Washington and Moscow in the post-cold war era, focusing on the scope for future co-operative management of common security. Three main areas provide the context for a thematically and theoretically varied discussion: the security and foreign policy implications of the transition from the Soviet to a Russian/Commonwealth regime; military power and international stability after the cold war; and the political, military, and technological requirements for a new security relationship.