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"This book uncovers the political and social ideas of the Young Turks at the end of the nineteenth century, during the intellectual phase of the movement. Analysing the life in exile of two of the most charismatic leaders of the Young Turk movement, Ahmed Rýza and Mehmed Sabaheddin, the book unravels their plans for the future of the Ottoman Empire, covering issues of power, religion, citizenship, minority rights, the role of the West, and the accountability of the Sultan. The book follows Rýza and Sabaheddin through their association with philosophical circles, and highlights how their emphasis on intellectualism and elitism had a twofold effect. On the one hand, seeing themselves as enlightened and entrusted with a mission, they engaged in enduring debates, leaving an important legacy for both Ottoman and Republican rule. On the other hand, the rigidity resulting from elitism and intellectualism prevented the conception of concrete plans for change, causing a schism at the 1902 Congress of Ottoman Liberals and marking the end of the intellectual phase. Using bilingual period journals, contemporary accounts, police archives and political and philosophical treaties, this book is of interest to students, scholars and researchers of Middle East and Ottoman History, and Political Science more broadly"--Provided by publisher.
When the Ottomans commenced their modernizing reforms in the 1830s, they still ruled over a vast empire. In addition to today's Turkey, including Anatolia and Thrace, their power reached over Mesopotamia, North Africa, the Levant, the Balkans, and the Caucasus. The Sultanate was at the apex of a truly multi-ethnic society. Modernization not only brought market principles to the economy and more complex administrative controls as part of state power, but also new educational institutions as well as new ideologies. Thus new ideologies developed and nationalism emerged, which became a political reality when the Empire reached its end. This book compares the different intellectual atmospheres between the pre-republican and the republican periods and identifies the roots of republican authoritarianism in the intellectual heritage of the earlier period.
The volume provides the first (internationally and even in Turkey’s own case) elaboration of Global Intellectual History debates with regard to late Ottoman and Turkish Republican periods. It covers both individuals and groups as carriers of ideas (what we call in the volume ideational entrepreneurs) and simultaneously concepts and ideologies that emerge(d) in the interaction of Turkey’s intellectuals and scholars with their, mostly Western, counterparts. Additionally, it includes examples of its non-Western engagements, broadening the usual focus on Turkish-Western relationships. The contributions are of relevance both for specific studies on Turkish intellectual history and for broader audiences looking for new material in the novel Global Intellectual History framework. Also, the readings serve as helpful sources for courses on Intellectual History, European and Middle Eastern Studies, Turkish History, Global History, and related Area Studies courses. Specific chapters pertain further to broader study areas.
The eighteenth century brought a period of tumultuous change to the Ottoman Empire. While the Empire sought modernization through military and administrative reform, it also lost much of its influence on the European stage through war and revolt. In this book, Ethan L. Menchinger sheds light on intellectual life, politics, and reform in the Empire through the study of one of its leading intellectuals and statesmen, Ahmed Vâsıf. Vâsıf's life reveals new aspects of Ottoman letters - heated debates over moral renewal, war and peace, justice, and free will - but it also forces the reappraisal of Ottoman political reform, showing a vital response that was deeply enmeshed in Islamic philosophy, ethics, and statecraft. Tracing Vâsıf's role through the turn of the nineteenth century, this book opens the debate on modernity and intellectualism for those students and researchers studying the Ottoman Empire, intellectual history, the Enlightenment, and Napoleonic Europe.
This book uncovers Young Turk political and social ideas at the end of the nineteenth century, during the intellectual phase of the movement. Analysing the life in exile of two of the most charismatic leaders of the Young Turk movement, Ahmed Rıza and Mehmet Sabahattin, the book unravels their plans for the future of the Ottoman Empire, covering issues of power, religion, citizenship, minority rights, the role of the West, and the accountability of the Sultan. The book follows Rıza and Sabahattin through their association with philosophical circles, and highlights how their emphasis on intellectualism and elitism had a twofold effect. On the one hand, seeing themselves as enlightened and entrusted with a mission, they engaged in enduring debates, leaving an important legacy for both Ottoman and Republican rule. On the other hand, the rigidity resulting from elitism and intellectualism prevented the conception of concrete plans for change, causing a schism at the 1902 Congress of Ottoman Liberals and marking the end of the intellectual phase. Using bilingual period journals, contemporary accounts, police archives and political and philosophical treaties, this book is of interest to students, scholars and researchers of Middle East and Ottoman History, and Political Science more broadly.
The second constitutional period of the Ottoman Empire and the early decades of the Turkish republic were a hotbed of new and competing ideas which were to dramatically shape the development of the modern nation that followed. This book includes translations of and introductions to some of the key Turkish writers of the age, including Namik Kemal, Ziya Gökalp, Abdullah Cevdet and Ahmed Riza. The writings of these Turkist, Westernist and Islamist Ottoman and early republican thinkers are presented with contextualizing introductions which allow readers to access the primary texts which show the Turkish intellectual milieu out of which Mustafa Kemal's ideas were to emerge and ultimately dominate and will be of interest to students and scholars of Ottoman and Turkish History.
Modern Turkey is the site of a powerful Islamic revival, with a strong intellectual elite dedicated to the overthrow of secular modernism. Why have modern Muslim intellectuals turned against the ideals of Kemalism on which the modern Turkish nation-state is founded? What does this reveal about the future of Turkey? And how are Islamic intellectuals in Turkey affected by developments in the Middle East? Muslims in Modern Turkey is the first book to analyse this phenomenon, tracing the evolution of Muslim intellectual thought from the 1980s to the present day. It focuses on six leading Muslim thinkers - Ali Bulaç, Rasim Özdenören, ?smet Özel, ?lhan Kutluer, Ersin Nazif Gürdo?an and Abdurrahman Dilipak - who belong to a single school and share a novel understanding of Islam. They act as public intellectuals, who aim to reform and enlighten society by educating them and raising their awareness of Islamic values, arguing not for the compatibility of Islam and European values but the fundamental superiority of Islam over secular democracy. Sena Karasipahi places the Turkish experience in its broader international context and shows how Turkish Islamic intellectuals are affected by the earlier Muslim intellectuals and revivalists in the Arab world and in Turkey. This important study makes connections with the Islamic revival process throughout the contemporary Middle East as well as with comparable movements in Turkey's own past, making this a crucial contribution to an understanding of contemporary Islamic political thinking.
This book investigates the intellectual currents among Ottoman and North African scholars of the early modern period.
In A History of Ottoman Political Thought up to the Early Nineteenth Century, Marinos Sariyannis offers a survey of Ottoman political literature, from its beginnings until the beginning of the Tanzimat reforms.
The steady decay and disintegration of the Ottoman Empire forced the Ottoman sultans and statesmen to take some precautions, which usually took the form of attempts at reform. The intellectuals of the period discussed the nature of these reforms and wrote extensively on the successes and failures of the attempts to implement them. Ahmed Midhat Efendi (1844-1912) published an extensive examination of these reforms in his quite understudied book Uss-i Inkilab (The Basis of Reform), published in 1294/1877-78. In two volumes, Ahmed Midhat discusses the reforms that the Ottoman Empire had implemented over more than a decade (1861-1877) during the reigns of Abdülaziz and Murad V and the beginning of Abdülhamid II's reign. The first volume discusses the events that took place during the period between the Crimean War and the enthronement of Abdülhamid II in 1876. It consists of two prologues, twelve chapters, and documentary appendices. The second volume examines extensively the first year of the rule of Abdülhamid II, giving special emphasis to the debates over the constitution and constitutional government. It consists of a prologue, three chapters and, documentary appendices. This paper argues that, after a coup against Abdülaziz was accomplished and Murad V was deposed because of mental problems, Abdülhamid wished to make sure that his rule would not be one of those fragile reigns that lasted only for a short period. To strengthen his position as a ruler in the eyes of the Ottoman bureaucrats and intellectuals of the period, he sought historical legitimization for his accession to power. To serve his purpose, nothing would be more effective than commissioning a court historian to write the official history of reforms, which "justifies rather than criticizes" his rule. In Uss-i Inkilab, Ahmed Midhat attempts to demonstrate that Abdülaziz could not fully understand the essence of reforms, which is to give more freedom to the people, and failed to answer the demands of the Ottomans. Hence, Abdülaziz proved his incompetence to rule the empire. Ahmed Midhat further argues that Abdülhamid really wanted to implement radical reforms to increase the prosperity of his empire and was willing to offer justice and freedom to his people. Therefore, according to Ahmed Midhat, Abdülhamid, a freedom lover by birth, is a perfect fit for the empire