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This book examines how technological modernisation and innovation policies have been implemented in Russia from the Soviet era to the present day. It discusses how since about 2000 the Russian state has attempted to address the country’s excessive dependence on natural resources by implementing an ambitious programme of economic modernisation, including giving innovation more policy prominence, boosting state funding for research and development and innovation, and emphasising science towns and technology parks as key instruments for stimulating innovation. Based on extensive original research, taking a multidisciplinary approach, and including detailed case studies, the book explains why, despite these efforts, Russia is performing comparatively poorly in innovation outcomes. It argues that a key factor is the country’s political economy model in which science, technology, and innovation policies are mainly controlled and funded by the federal centre of power and led by domestic political and economic elites.
Modernisation has been a constant theme in Russian history at least since Peter the Great launched a series of initiatives aimed at closing the economic, technical and cultural gap between Russia and the more ‘advanced’ countries of Europe. All of the leaders of the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia have been intensely aware of this gap, and have pursued a number of strategies, some more successful than others, in order to modernise the country. But it would be wrong to view modernisation as a unilinear process which was the exclusive preserve of the state. Modernisation has had profound effects on Russian society, and the attitudes of different social groups have been crucial to the success and failure of modernisation. This volume examines the broad theme of modernisation in late imperial, Soviet, and post-Soviet Russia both through general overviews of particular topics, and specific case studies of modernisation projects and their impact. Modernisation is seen not just as an economic policy, but as a cultural and social phenomenon reflected through such diverse themes as ideology, welfare, education, gender relations, transport, political reform, and the Internet. The result is the most up to date and comprehensive survey of modernisation in Russia available, which highlights both one of the perennial problems and the challenges and prospects for contemporary Russia.
This book examines how technological modernisation and innovation policies have been implemented in Russia from the Soviet era to the present day. It discusses how since about 2000 the Russian state has attempted to address the country's excessive dependence on natural resources by implementing an ambitious programme of economic modernisation, including giving innovation more policy prominence, boosting state funding for research and development and innovation, and emphasising science towns and technology parks as key instruments for stimulating innovation. Based on extensive original research, taking a multidisciplinary approach, and including detailed case studies, the book explains why, despite these efforts, Russia is performing comparatively poorly in innovation outcomes. It argues that a key factor is the country's political economy model in which science, technology, and innovation policies are mainly controlled and funded by the federal centre of power and led by domestic political and economic elites.
A political ethnography of the inner workings of Putin's sistema, contributing to our understanding Russia's prospects for future modernisation.
This book examines the societal dynamics of memory politics in Russia. Since Vladimir Putin became president, the Russian central government has increasingly actively employed cultural memory to claim political legitimacy and discredit all forms of political opposition. The rhetorical use of the past has become a defining characteristic of Russian politics, creating a historical foundation for the regime’s emphasis on a strong state and centralised leadership. Exploring memory politics, this book analyses a wide range of actors, from the central government and the Russian Orthodox Church, to filmmaker and cultural heavyweight Nikita Mikhalkov and radical thinkers such as Aleksandr Dugin. In addition, in view of the steady decline in media freedom since 2000, it critically examines the role of cinema and television in shaping and spreading these narratives. Thus, this book aims to gain a better understanding of the various means through which the Russian government practices its memory politics (e.g., the role of state media) and, on the other hand, to sufficiently value the existence of alternative and critical voices and criticism that existing studies tend to overlook. Contributing to current debates in the field of memory studies and of current affairs in Russia and Eastern Europe, this book will be of interest to scholars working in the fields of Russian Studies, Cultural Memory Studies, Nationalism and National Identity, Political Communication, Film, Television and Media Studies.
Written as EU-Russia relations began their swift decline as a result of the Ukrainian crisis, this book examines the nature of these two actors’ relationship in respect of their Partnership for Modernisation. The contributing authors look at modernisation through different lenses applying varying methodologies, delivering: historical analysis, economic analysis, levels-of-analysis debate, which brings along transnational, transgovernmental and intergovernmental relations and interrelations between the EU and its member states, discourse analysis, new institutionalism as well as policy analysis. The authors each identify the importance of modernisation for Russia, demonstrating why, despite the current state of relations between Moscow and Brussels, modernisation remains relevant for EU-Russian relations. At the same time, the plurality of the chapters shows the complexity of the relationship that will have to be taken into account in order to overcome the current crisis and construct sustainable and mutually beneficial relations.
This book examines the implications of disruptive technologies of the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) on military innovation and the use of force. It provides an in-depth understanding of how both large and small militaries are seeking to leverage 4IR emerging technologies and the effects such technologies may have on future conflicts. The 4th Industrial Revolution (4IR), the confluence of disruptive changes brought by emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence, robotics, nanotechnologies, and autonomous systems, has a profound impact on the direction and character of military innovation and use of force. The core themes in this edited volume reflect on the position of emerging technologies in the context of previous Revolutions in Military Affairs; compare how large resource-rich states (US, China, Russia) and small resource-limited states (Israel, Sweden, Norway) are adopting and integrating novel technologies and explore the difference between various innovation and adaptation models. The book also examines the operational implications of emerging technologies in potential flashpoints such as the South China Sea and the Baltic Sea. Written by a group of international scholars, this book uncovers the varying 4IR defence innovation trajectories, enablers, and constraints in pursuing military-technological advantages that will shape the character of future conflicts. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Strategic Studies.
The Putin era saw a striking 'securitization' of politics, something that he has bequeathed to his chosen successor, Dmitry Medvedev. The omens from the early days of the Medvedev presidency have been mixed, marked both by less confrontational rhetoric towards the West and by war with Georgia and continued re-armament. Has the Medvedev generation learned the lessons not just from the Soviet era but also from the Yeltsin and Putin presidencies, or will security remain the foundation of Russian foreign and domestic policy? Fully up-to-date to reflect the evolving Medvedev presidency, the 2008 Georgian war and the impact of the economic downturn, this volume is a much needed objective and balanced examination of the ways in which security has played and continues to play a central role in contemporary Russian politics. The combination of original scholarship with extensive empirical research makes this volume an invaluable resource for all students and researchers of Russian politics and security affairs.
"This book examines how technological modernisation and innovation policies have been implemented in Russia from the Soviet era to the present day. It discusses how since about 2000 the Russian state has attempted to address the country's excessive dependence on natural resources by implementing an ambitious programme of economic modernisation, including giving innovation more policy prominence, boosting state funding for research and development and innovation, and emphasising science towns and technology parks as key instruments for stimulating innovation. Based on extensive original research, taking a multidisciplinary approach, and including detailed case studies, the book explains why, despite these efforts, Russia is performing comparatively poorly in innovation outcomes. It argues that a key factor is the country's political economy model in which science, technology, and innovation policies are mainly controlled and funded by the federal centre of power and led by domestic political and economic elites"--
Title first published in 2003. This timely and original book is the most comprehensive and authoritative analysis of Russia's risk society to date. Referring to the works of Douglas, Beck and Giddens, it considers a variety of theories of risk and applies them to young people in different risk societies, showing how these youngsters have adapted to cope with risk.