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This country profile contains an analysis of the causes of deforestation and forest degradation in Peru, and the economic, institutional and political context in which REDD is emerging in the country. Peru has a total forest area of approximately 73 million hectares, almost 60% of national territory. In the past few years, deforestation decreased from 150,000 ha/year to 106,000 ha/year but it still represents one of the biggest sources of greenhouse gas emissions in the country. While it has decreased recently, an increase is expected during coming years due to development policies that support the expansion of road infrastructure in the Amazon, an increase in agricultural production and support for the extractive sectors. The government has declared a goal of reducing to zero the deforestation rate across 54 million hectares of primary forest by 2021, and has initiated the preparation process for REDD+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation Plus) at a national and subnational level. While the pilot projects are already underway, with international and national funding, and even certification according to international standards, the national government is still in the process of developing REDD+ and MRV (Measuring, Reporting and Verification) strategies under the leadership of MINAM. Even if REDD has solid support within certain sectors of the government and civil society, it will face big challenges during the implementation phase due to a lack of intersectoral coordination and support to a socioeconomic development that would stimulate conservation and stop deforestation and degradation. In the process of preparation for REDD+, the country has advanced with the processes of safeguarding the participation of the civil society and the protection of native and local communities’ rights. At the same time, the challenges concerning weak governance at a national and regional level and conflicts of interest are threats to the effective, efficient and equitable implementation in the long-term.
Alena Ledeneva invites you on a voyage of discovery, to explore society’s open secrets, unwritten rules and know-how practices. Broadly defined as ‘ways of getting things done’, these invisible yet powerful informal practices tend to escape articulation in official discourse. They include emotion-driven exchanges of gifts or favours and tributes for services, interest-driven know-how (from informal welfare to informal employment and entrepreneurship), identity-driven practices of solidarity, and power-driven forms of co-optation and control. The paradox, or not, of the invisibility of these informal practices is their ubiquity. Expertly practised by insiders but often hidden from outsiders, informal practices are, as this book shows, deeply rooted all over the world, yet underestimated in policy. Entries from the five continents presented in this volume are samples of the truly global and ever-growing collection, made possible by a remarkable collaboration of over 200 scholars across disciplines and area studies. By mapping the grey zones, blurred boundaries, types of ambivalence and contexts of complexity, this book creates the first Global Map of Informality. The accompanying database is searchable by region, keyword or type of practice, so do explore what works, how, where and why! Praise for The Global Encyclopaedia of Informality ‘The Global Encyclopaedia of Informality represents the beginning of a new era in informality studies. With its wealth of information, diversity, scope, theoretical innovation and artistic skill, this collection touches on all the aspects of social and cultural complexity that need to be integrated into policy thinking.’ Predrag Cveti?anin, Centre for Empirical Cultural Studies of South-East Europe, Belgrade, Serbia ‘This is a monumental achievement – an indispensable reference for anyone in the social sciences interested in informality.’ Martin Holbraad, Professor of Social Anthropology, UCL, and editor-in-chief of Social Analysis ‘This impressive work helps us understand our complex times by showing how power develops through informal practices, mobilizing emotional, cognitive and relational mechanisms in strategies of survival, but also of camouflage and governance.’ Donatella della Porta, Director of Centre of Social Movements Studies, Scuola normale superiore, Firenze, Italy ‘An impressive, informative, and intriguing collection. With evident passion and patience, the team of 250 researchers insightfully portrays the multiplicity of informal and often invisible expressions of human interdependence.’ Subi Rangan, Professor of Strategy and Management, INSEAD, Fontainebleau, France ‘This compendium of terms used in different cultures to express aspects of informal economy provides a unique supplement to studies of a major (yet understated by academic economics) social issue. It will be of key significance for in-depth teaching of sociology, economics and history.’ Teodor Shanin, OBE Professor and President of the Moscow School of Social and Economic Sciences ‘Modern states have sought to curb, control and subdue informality. The entries in the Global Encyclopaedia demonstrate the endurance of informality over such efforts. More recently, the rise and political success of anti-establishment movements in so many parts of the world is a wide-ranging challenge and delegitimisation of national and transnational formal institutions of governance. Understanding the perceived shortcomings of formal institutions and the appeal of anti-establishment movements must at least in part be informed by a study of informality and its networks. This Encyclopaedia is essential reading if we wish to understand and engage with these challenges of our age.’ Fredrik Galtung, Chairman, Integrity Action
The urgent need to professionalize Mexican police has been recognized since the early 1990s, but despite even the most well-intentioned promises from elected officials and police chiefs, few gains have been made in improving police integrity. Why have reform efforts in Mexico been largely unsuccessful? This book seeks to answer the question by focusing on Mexico's municipal police, which make up the largest percentage of the country's police forces. Indeed, organized crime presents a major obstacle to institutional change, with criminal groups killing hundreds of local police in recent years. Nonetheless, Daniel Sabet argues that the problems of Mexican policing are really problems of governance. He finds that reform has suffered from a number of policy design and implementation challenges. More importantly, the informal rules of Mexican politics have prevented the continuity of reform efforts across administrations, allowed patronage appointments to persist, and undermined anti-corruption efforts. Although many advances have been made in Mexican policing, weak horizontal and vertical accountability mechanisms have failed to create sufficient incentives for institutional change. Citizens may represent the best hope for counterbalancing the toxic effects of organized crime and poor governance, but the ambivalent relationship between citizens and their police must be overcome to break the vicious cycle of corruption and ineffectiveness.
Transparency and integrity are key factors in consolidating democratic governance and deepening the modernization of the state. The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) has been supporting country efforts to achieve open government, providing technical support and knowledge on transparency in the LAC region. With the support of the Norwegian government, the IDB created the Anticorruption Activities Trust Fund (AAF), aimed at strengthening the institutional capacity of the Bank's borrowing countries in their efforts to prevent and control corruption. After four years in operation, the fund has gained recognition, both inside and outside the Bank, as a source of innovation and best practices in terms of access to information and targeted transparency. This publication compiles some of the experiences and lessons learned from five different countries (Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, and Guatemala), with direct support from the AAF.
This timely book explores the unique challenges facing the left in Latin America today. The contributors offer clear and comprehensive assessments of the difficult conditions and conflicting forces that have brought to power the current leftist regimes in Latin American and the Caribbean and are shaping their development. Avoiding the widely accepted but simplistic dichotomy of “good” and “bad” left or democratic and antidemocratic left, the book first sets the theoretical and historical context for understanding the rise of the left in the region. It then provides case studies of the radical left in power in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador and its influence in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Cuba. Thematic chapters consider social and labor movements and debates over problems arising from the democratic transition to socialism. The book points to concrete circumstances in which theoretical issues related to reform and change have played out in nations where the left is in power. These include prioritization of social over economic objectives, the role of the state in the democratic road to socialism, and ecological as opposed to developmentalist strategies. Finally, the book examines the opposition to radical governments in power coming not only from the right but also from movements to their left. With its balanced and thorough assessment, this study will provide readers with a deep and nuanced understanding of the complexity of the political, economic, and sociocultural reality of contemporary Latin America and the Caribbean. Contributions by: Marc Becker, Roger Burbach, George Ciccariello-Maher, Héctor M. Cruz-Feliciano, Steve Ellner, Federico Fuentes, Marcel Nelson, Hector Perla Jr., Camila Piñeiro Harnecker, Thomas Purcell, Diana Raby, William I. Robinson, and Kevin Young
"Jorge Dominguez and his colleagues deliver an exceptional analysis of the 2012 Mexican elections through their continuation of the panel studies they ran for the 2000 and 2006 elections. They analyze the elections from both traditional and non-traditional vantage points, seeking fuller answers to the lingering question as to why Mexicans once again elected "la dictadura perfecta" (the perfect dictatorship), referring to the PRI's grip on power for most of the twentieth century. To evaluate the PRI's rehabilitation and eventual electoral success, Dominguez and his team of distinguished political scientists of Mexican electoral politics explore Mexico's electoral institutions, parties, candidates, campaign strategies, public opinion surveys, and media coverage as well as issues of clientelism, corruption, drugs, violence, and the rise of new protest movements in the run-up to and aftermath of the elections. Not only does the book provide rich detail for Latin American electoral and democratization scholars, but its coherent narrative will also appeal to those unfamiliar with Mexican politics. Parts One and Two of the book provide an excellent recap of the "state of play" in 2012; Part Three analyzes why Mexicans voted as they did; and Part Four considers the election's implications for Mexico's political system more broadly. The book will be sought out by scholars and upper level undergraduate and graduate students of comparative politics, democratization studies, and Mexican and Latin American politics. There should also be interest among policymakers"--
The global expansion of HIV programming (HIV "scale-up") and the growth of global health in the past decade reshaped politics, power, civic relations, and citizen subjectivities in countries across the globe. This book draws on interdisciplinary research from numerous sites in the Global South to examine the political dimensions of HIV and global health programming. The chapters reflect extensive methodological diversity and geographic range, yet exhibit striking resonance with the book’s core themes. Collectively, the authors paint a complex global portrait of a unique period in the social history of HIV, as the pandemic enters its fourth decade, and the global response reaches its peak. The book contemplates "scale-up" (and, subsequently, "scale-down") as an object of analysis and an historical shift in the politics of response to global crisis. Ultimately, HIV/AIDS campaigns provide a template for the broader expansion of global health projects and institutions. These transnational shifts and expansions necessitate further critical evaluations across social science and public health disciplines. By collecting diverse perspectives on the political legacies of HIV and global health, this book provides a unique history of the present, cataloguing emerging practices and policies that will have long-term social impacts. This book was originally published as a special issue of Global Public Health.
This publication explores a range of helpful policy measures and institutional reforms to mobilise higher education for regional development in Sonora, Mexico.
El presente volumen aborda el análisis de los procesos electorales de ámbito presidencial y legislativo celebrados en América Latina en el bienio 2014-2105. Se trata de elecciones celebradas en once países cuyo estudio se desarrolla en igual número de capítulos. Se cubren comicios simultáneos a ambas instancias en Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Panamá y Uruguay. En El Salvador y en Colombia, aunque se celebraron en tiempos distintos, ambos tipos de comicios se consideran en el mismo capítulo; allí, las presidenciales precedieron a las legislativas con un año de diferencia en el primer país y las legislativas antecedieron por tres meses a las presidenciales en el segundo. Se recogen también en capítulos independientes las elecciones únicamente legislativas de México y Venezuela. Si bien el criterio temporal siempre puede calificarse de caprichoso en este caso sigue la preocupación iniciada hace ocho años de dar cumplida cuenta del acontecer electoral en la región, en el ámbito de los dos poderes representativos del Estado por excelencia. En efecto, este volumen da continuidad a anteriores trabajos. El bienio aquí analizado da cabida a un nivel promedio de elecciones presidenciales, si se tiene en cuenta el acumulado en la región desde hace 30 años, por lo cual es representativo del quehacer político latinoamericano. Así, la Tabla 1 recoge las 117 elecciones presidenciales que se han llevado a cabo en la región entre 19861 y 2015 cuyo resultado no fue cuestionado; su media es de cuatro procesos electorales por año y aquí el número de elecciones que se recogen son nueve.