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Globalisation is more complex than ever. The effects of the global financial crisis and increased inequality have spurred anti-globalisation sentiment in many countries and encouraged the adoption of populist and inward-looking policies. This has led to some surprising results: Duterte, Brexit and Trump, to name a few. In Indonesia, the disappointment with globalisation has led to rising protectionism, a rejection of foreign interference in the name of nationalism, and economic policies dominated by calls for self-sufficiency. Meanwhile, human trafficking and the abuse of migrant workers show the dark side of globalisation. In this volume, leading experts explore key issues around globalisation, nationalism and sovereignty in Indonesia. Topics include the history of Indonesia’s engagement with the world, Indonesia’s stance on the South China Sea and the re-emergence of nationalism. The book also examines the impact of globalisation on poverty and inequality, labour markets and people, especially women.
Against the backdrop of growing anti-globalisation sentiments and increasing fragmentation of the production process across countries, this book addresses how the Indonesian economy should respond and how Indonesia should shape its trade and industrial policies in this new world trade environment. The book introduces evaluation not on tariffs but on new trade instruments such as non-tariff measures (SPS, TBT, export measures and beyond border measures), and looks at industrial policies from a broader perspective such as investment, accessing inputs, labour, services, research and innovation policies. “The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/10.4324/9781315161976, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.”
There are reasons for thinking that this is at last Indonesia's moment on the world stage. Having successfully negotiated its difficult transition to democracy after 1998, Indonesia has held three popular elections with a low level of violence by the standards of southern Asia. Recetly its economic growth rate has been high (above 6 per cent a year) and rising, where China's has been dropping and the developed world has been in crisis. Indonesia's admission in 2009 to the G20 club of the world's most influential states seemed to confirm a status implied by its size, as the world's fourth-largest country by population, and the largest with a Muslim majority. Some international pundits have been declaring that Indonesia is the new star to watch, and that its long-awaited moment in the sun may at last have arrived.
This volume brings together new scholarship by Indonesian and non-Indonesian scholars on Indonesia’s cultural history from 1950-1965. During the new nation’s first decade and a half, Indonesia’s links with the world and its sense of nationhood were vigorously negotiated on the cultural front. Indonesia used cultural networks of the time, including those of the Cold War, to announce itself on the world stage. International links, post-colonial aspirations and nationalistic fervour interacted to produce a thriving cultural and intellectual life at home. Essays discuss the exchange of artists, intellectuals, writing and ideas between Indonesia and various countries; the development of cultural networks; and ways these networks interacted with and influenced cultural expression and discourse in Indonesia. With contributions by Keith Foulcher, Liesbeth Dolk, Hairus Salim HS, Tony Day, Budiawan, Maya H.T. Liem, Jennifer Lindsay, Els Bogaerts, Melani Budianta, Choirotun Chisaan, I Nyoman Darma Putra, Barbara Hatley, Marije Plomp, Irawati Durban Ardjo, Rhoma Dwi Aria Yuliantri and Michael Bodden.
Prosperity will prevail, Malukans believed, as long as the four pillars and the proper dualism were maintained. By integrating this structure into his narrative, the author avoids a framework governed by European concerns and brings new significance to Malukan events described but only partially understood by European observers.
Dalam novel Brave New World, Aldous Huxley memperkenalkan sebuah dunia baru: dunia kita, beberapa abad di masa depan. Dunia di mana suatu pemerintahan telah berhasil menelusuri akar ketidakbahagiaan manusia, yang bermuara pada tiga hal: keluarga, seni, dan Tuhan. Demi menanggulanginya, bayi kemudian diciptakan dari dalam botol; melalui proses genetika yang canggih ia dihilangkan dari penyakit, dilepaskan dari kecacatan, untuk kemudian terbebas dari derita besar bernama orang tua. Tumbuh besar, mereka hanya belajar apa yang pemerintah ingin mereka pelajari. Maka seni pun dikebiri, menjadi tak lebih sekadar alat hiburan dan propaganda untuk masyarakat. Sementara sains dijadikan buku resep untuk hidangan industri. Konsumerisme diajarkan sebagai jalan hidup yang utama. Kitab suci diharamkan. Kebahagiaan dipusatkan pada dua sumber utama yakni seks bebas dan candu—konsumsinya dilegalkan dan dipantau ketat oleh pemerintah. Melalui cara-cara inilah perkembangan jiwa manusia berusaha diredam, karena apapun yang merangsang jiwa sesungguhnya adalah benih kegusaran yang pada akhirnya bakal menimbulkan ketidakstabilan masyarakat. Dengan melindungi status quo, maka kebahagiaan hakiki, utopia, dapat diraih. Tidak dengan murah memang, namun sekalinya tercapai, sistem sosial tersebut mustahil diruntuhkan. Sebuah tonggak keberhasilan peradaban manusia di depan alam serta Tuhan penciptanya. [Mizan, Bentang Pustaka, Hidup, Dunia, Tuhan, Bumi, Indonesia]
Indonesia has urbanized rapidly since its independence in 1945, profoundly changing its economic geography and giving rise to a diverse array of urban places. These places range from the bustling metropolis of Jakarta to rapidly emerging urban centers in hitherto largely rural parts of the country. Although urbanization has produced considerable benefits for many Indonesians, its potential has only been partially realized. Time to ACT: Realizing Indonesia’s Urban Potential explores the extent to which urbanization in Indonesia has delivered in terms of prosperity, inclusiveness, and livability. The report takes a broad view of urbanization’s performance in these three key areas, covering both the monetary and nonmonetary aspects of welfare. It analyzes the fundamental reforms that can help the country to more fully achieve widespread and sustainable benefits, and it introduces a new policy framework—the ACT framework—to guide policy making. This framework emphasizes the three policy principles of Augment, Connect, and Target: • Augment the provision and quality of infrastructure and basic services across urban and rural locations • Connect places and people to jobs and opportunities and services • Target lagging areas and marginalized groups through well-designed place-based policies, as well as thoughtful urban planning and design. Using this framework, the report provides policy recommendations differentiated by four types of place that differ in both their economic characteristics and the challenges that they face— multidistrict metro areas, single-district metro areas, nonmetro urban areas, and nonmetro rural areas. In addition to its eight chapters, Time to ACT: Realizing Indonesia’s Urban Potential includes four spotlights on strengthening the disaster resilience of Indonesian cities, the nexus between urbanization and human capital, the “invisible†? crisis of wastewater management, and the potential for smart cities in Indonesia. If Indonesia continues to urbanize in line with global historical standards, more than 70 percent of its population will be living in towns and cities by the time the country celebrates the centenary of its independence in 2045. Accordingly, how Indonesia manages this continued expansion of its urban population—and the mounting congestion forces that expansion brings—will do much to determine whether the country reaches the upper rungs of the global ladder of prosperity, inclusiveness, and livability.
"Ho Ying Chan provides an expert analysis of Malaysia–Indonesia relations. He demystifies the concept of a 'special relationship', rescuing it from woolly, sentimental rhetoric that often emanates from political figures and popular commentators. His well-informed study shows how a state’s will to survive in the amoral world of international relations drives its conduct even in circumstances of common identities and common strategic interests with other states. He evaluates comparative evidence to shed light on how a special relationship leads to the emergence of a pluralistic security community. This is a conclusion of insight and value, not only to the field of Southeast Asian Studies, but also to the wider community of International Relations scholars." — Professor Clinton Fernandes, University of New South Wales, Australia "Empirically rich and theoretically interesting, this book offers an illuminating account of how material and ideational dynamics shape the evolution of Malaysia–Indonesia relations. Focusing on what is arguably the most vital bilateral relationship in Southeast Asia, it addresses the circumstances, conditions and constraints that determine the double-edged effects of the culturally bound 'special relationship'. Ho Ying Chan argues that while their shared serumpun identities and strategic interests do give rise to a considerable closeness between Malaysia and Indonesia, the politics of power (im)balance have prevented the transformation of the special relationship into a 'pluralistic security community', as their egoistic understanding averts the formation of collective self. The book generates useful insights on the interplay of cross-border cultural affinity and political necessity, inviting readers to ponder the politics of identity and survivability at the international level. It is a welcome addition to the growing literature of Southeast Asian international relations." — Dr Kuik Cheng-Chwee, National University of Malaysia (UKM) "Ho Ying Chan’s important study brings home the international and theoretical significance of the interaction between Malaysia and Indonesia, the two major states of Muslim Southeast Asia — products of the territorial division between the British and Dutch colonial empires. This welcome and revealing review of the Malaysia–Indonesia story deepens our understanding of the concept of a 'special relationship' — explaining both the cooperative and competitive dynamics that can be present, and the way such relationships are influenced by state identities and power imbalances." — Anthony Milner, University of Malaya; University of Melbourne
When Joko 'Jokowi' Widodo was sworn in as the seventh President of the Republic of Indonesia, taking over from Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the change in personnel at the highest executive office of state naturally raised questions about the likely changes in government policies between that of the outgoing Yudhoyono Government and that of the incoming Widodo Government. This was especially so in the area of foreign policy given that Yudhoyono was widely lauded for his efforts and achievements on the international stage; and the general perception that Widodo lacks sufficient foreign policy experience and knowledge. Will Indonesia's foreign policy change with the new Government? If so, how will Indonesia's foreign policy change and why? If not, how not and why won't Indonesia's foreign policy change?Jokowi's Indonesia and the World addresses these questions by evaluating the annual performance of the Widodo Government from 2014 to 2019, focusing primarily on the President's foreign policy track record, and tracing Indonesia's successes and failures on the world stage. At the same time, the book also assesses how the domestic situation has affected Jakarta's external projections.If the Yudhoyono years are remembered for an assertive and active Indonesia in the field of foreign policy, it was greatly hoped that the same could be said about the Widodo presidency at the end of his first term. Whether this ultimately transpired or not shall be covered in the book.