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Since 2001, Afghanistan has allowed New Delhi an opportunity to underscore its role as a regional power. India has growing stakes in peace and stability in Afghanistan, and the 2011 India-Afghan strategic partnership agreement underlines India's commitment to ensure that a positive momentum in Delhi-Kabul ties is maintained. The changing trajectory of Indian policy towards Afghanistan since 2001 is examined, and it is argued that New Delhi has been responding to a strategic environment shaped by other actors in the region. U.S.-led North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces are preparing to leave Afghanistan in 2014, and India stands at a crossroads as it remains keen to preserve its interests in Afghanistan. The ever-evolving Indian policy in Afghanistan is examined in three phases before implications of this change for the region and the United States are drawn. There has been a broader maturing of the U.S.-India defense ties, and Afghanistan is likely to be a beneficiary of this trend.
Since 2001, the situation in Afghanistan has afforded New Delhi an opportunity to underscore its role as a regional power. India has a growing stake in the development of peace and stability in Afghanistan; and the 2011 India-Afghan strategic partnership agreement underlines India's commitment to ensure that a positive momentum in Delhi-Kabul ties is maintained. This monograph examines the changing trajectory of Indian policy toward Afghanistan since 2001, and it is argued that New Delhi has been responding to a strategic environment shaped by other actors in the region. U.S.-led North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces are preparing to leave Afghanistan in 2014, and India stands at a crossroads as it remains keen to preserve its interests in Afghanistan. The ever-evolving Indian policy in Afghanistan is examined in three phases before implications of this change for the region and the United States are drawn. There has been a broader maturing of the U.S.-India defense ties, and Afghanistan is likely to be a beneficiary of this trend. Managing Pakistan and unravelling Islamabad's encirclement complex should be the biggest priority for both Washington and New Delhi in the coming years if there is to be any hope of keeping Afghanistan a stable entity post-2014.
Since 2001, the situation in Afghanistan has afforded New Delhi an opportunity to underscore its role as a regional power. India has a growing stake in the development of peace and stability in Afghanistan; and the 2011 India-Afghan strategic partnership agreement underlines India's commitment to ensure that a positive momentum in Delhi-Kabul ties is maintained. This monograph examines the changing trajectory of Indian policy toward Afghanistan since 2001, and it is argued that New Delhi has been responding to a strategic environment shaped by other actors in the region. U.S.-led North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces are preparing to leave Afghanistan in 2014, and India stands at a crossroads as it remains keen to preserve its interests in Afghanistan. The ever-evolving Indian policy in Afghanistan is examined in three phases before implications of this change for the region and the United States are drawn. There has been a broader maturing of the U.S.-India defense ties, and Afghanistan is likely to be a beneficiary of this trend. Managing Pakistan and unravelling Islamabad's encirclement complex should be the biggest priority for both Washington and New Delhi in the coming years if there is to be any hope of keeping Afghanistan a stable entity post-2014.
The archetype of 'my enemy's enemy is my friend', India's political and economic presence in Afghanistan is often viewed as a Machiavellian ploy aimed against Pakistan. The first of its kind, this book interrogates that simplistic yet powerful geopolitical narrative and asks what truly drives India's Afghanistan policy.
Since 2001, Afghanistan has provided New Delhi an opportunity to underline its role as a regional power. In the rapidly evolving geo-strategic scenario, India was forced to reconstitute and reassess its policies towards Afghanistan. India-Afghanistan Cooperation took a leap forward after the defeat of the Taliban and the installation of an Interim Authority. India’s main focus has been to support the Afghan government and the political process in the country mandated under the Bonn Agreement of 2001. In the past decade, India pursued a policy of high-level engagement with Afghanistan through wide-ranging humanitarian, financial and infrastructural project assistance, as well as participation in international efforts aimed at political and economic rebuilding of Afghanistan. India has growing stakes in peace and stability in Afghanistan and the 2011 India-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership Agreement underlines India’s commitment to ensure that a positive momentum in the Indo-Afghanistan ties in maintained. One of the foremost aims of India’s involvement in Afghanistan has been to assist in building indigenous Afghan capacity and institutions which encompasses all the sectors of development. This book, apart from examining the changing trajectory of India’s policy towards Afghanistan, focuses on two particular areas of Indian intervention in Afghanistan namely Capacity Building and Education. It also evaluates its importance in strengthening the Delhi-Kabul ties. Identification of factors that are aiding or blockading the smooth functioning of these policies, have been the purpose of this academic pursuit. Attempts have been made to reach out to the Afghan beneficiaries in both India and Afghanistan, in order to understand their perspectives, requirements and disgruntlements. This research underscores that the purpose behind India’s involvement in Afghanistan should not be defeated and thereby attempts to put forward certain steps and directions that can be adopted by Indian Government in order to achieve long-lasting dividends by smooth implementation of India’s aid disbursement policy. As US led North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces prepare to leave Afghanistan in 2014, India stands at a crossroads as it remains keen to preserve its interest in Afghanistan. This book apart from underlying ever-evolving Indian policy in Afghanistan provides concrete recommendations that can enhance the effectiveness of ongoing Indo-Afghanistan cooperation.
An agreement signed between the United States and the Taliban on February 29, 2020, marks a milestone in America’s longest ever war. Accordingly, the majority of U.S. troops are expected to withdraw from Afghanistan by the end of 2021. In turn, and if this agreement is successfully implemented, sections of the Taliban could be expected to play a larger role in Afghan politics. This is hardly desirable for a country like India. Indian assets in Afghanistan have been targeted by the Haqqani group, a major Taliban faction. India has also been able to invest in Afghanistan’s future partially because of the presence of U.S.-led troops and the relative stability it brought. With this stability at risk, India needs to urgently reposition its priorities. In these fast-changing times, this paper identifies the risks to India’s continued presence in Afghanistan and recommends a set of strategies to mitigate them.
India and Pakistan have very different visions for Afghanistan, and they seek to advance highly disparate interests through their respective engagements in the country. This paper reviews the countries' interests in Afghanistan, how they have tried to further their interests, how Afghanistan navigates their rivalry, and the rivalry's implications for U.S. and Indian policy.
For years, the centre of India’s foreign policy was Pakistan. Love it or hate it. This was the country that the external affairs ministry had to break its head over most of the times. You can’t brush off four wars (1947-48, 1965, 1971 and 1999), two conflicts (Rann of Kutch and Siachen), militancy in Kashmir that claimed tens of thousands of lives and terrorist attacks all over India. Pakistan and India literally split on an ideological basis, due to the notion of the two-nation theory, and that Muslims cannot live as a minority in Hindu India. Dispute over Kashmir emphasises this divide, and it is still brought up even to this day. India has had to fight 4 wars with Pakistan, and since 1980’s, when Soviets started to get involved in Afghanistan, USA and Pakistan started anti-Soviet terrorism, and Pakistan had the bright idea to use it against India, further worsening relations between the two nations, especially when military coup has meant that the war-hungry military has been in power, and this led to the 1965 war and the Kargil War. The foreign policy of Narendra Modi concerns the policy initiatives made towards other states by the current Modi government after he assumed office as Prime Minister of India on 26 May 2014. The Ministry of External Affairs, headed by External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj (the first woman to hold the office since Indira Gandhi), is responsible for carrying out the foreign policy of India. Although the book has involved considerable empirical research, it is not simply fact-finding enterprise. It is also a prescriptive and analytical study intended to create and influence opinion regarding the essentials of policy-making process that would minimize the chances of non-rationality in Indian Foreign Policy.
This book is open access under a CC BY 4.0 license. This edited volume examines the policies and practices of rising powers on peacebuilding. It analyzes how and why their approaches differ from those of traditional donors and multilateral institutions. The policies of the rising powers towards peacebuilding may significantly influence how the UN and others undertake peacebuilding in the future. This book is an invaluable resource for practitioners, policy makers, researchers and students who want to understand how peacebuilding is likely to evolve over the next decades.
The Council on Foreign Relations sponsors Independent Task Forces to assess issues of current and critical importance to U.S. foreign policy and provide policymakers with concrete judgments and recommendations. Diverse in backgrounds and perspectives, Task Force members aim to reach a meaningful consensus on policy through private and non-partisan deliberations. Once launched, Task Forces are independent of CFR and solely responsible for the content of their reports. Task Force members are asked to join a consensus signifying that they endorse "the general policy thrust and judgments reached by the group, though not necessarily every finding and recommendation." Each Task Force member also has the option of putting forward an additional or a dissenting view. Members' affiliations are listed for identification purposes only and do not imply institutional endorsement. Task Force observers participate in discussions, but are not asked to join the consensus. --Book Jacket.