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This call to arms, prepared by Robert Barnwell Rhett, is, accoding to Harwell, the earliest Confederate imprint. It chronicles the "discontent and contention" between North and South "for the last thirty-five years," caused by "the aggressions and unconstitutional wrongs, perpetrated by the people of the North on the people of the South." Today the United States government, once a "government of confderated republics," is now "a Despotism." Rhett argues that the "Southern States, now stand exactly in the same position towards the Northern State, that the Colonies did towards Great Britain." Rhett urges like-minded southerners to join with South Carolina by seceding from the Union. "It cannot be believed, that our ancestors would have assented to any Union whatever with the people of the North, if the feelings and opinons now exisiting amongst them, had existed when the Constitution was framed. There was then, no Tariff -- no fanaticism concerning negroes." He argues them "to be one of a great Slaveholding Confederacy..."
The early years include principally resolutions, with few reports.
Includes extra sessions.
As the governor of South Carolina during the height of the civil rights movement, Robert E. McNair faced the task of leading the state through the dismantling of its pervasive Jim Crow culture. Despite the obstacles, McNair was able to navigate a moderate course away from a past dominated by an old-guard oligarchy toward a more pragmatic, inclusive, and prosperous era. South Carolina at the Brink is the first biography of this remarkable statesman as well as a history of the tumultuous times in which he governed. In telling McNair's story, Philip G. Grose recounts historic moments of epic turbulence, chronicles the development of the man himself, and maps the course of action that defined his leadership. A native of Berkeley County's "Hell Hole Swamp," McNair was a decorated naval commander in the Philippines during World War II and then a small-town attorney, a state legislator, and lieutenant governor before serving in the state's highest office from 1965 to 1971. Each role taught him the value of tolerance and perseverance and informed the choices he made at the helm of state government. McNair's administration will be remembered for its management of episodes of violence and conflict that marked the onset of desegregation and of protest against the war in Vietnam: the tragic shootings in Orangeburg in February 1968, the 113-day strike at the Medical College in Charleston in 1969, violence at high schools in Columbia and Lamar in 1970, and antiwar protests on the University of South Carolina campus in 1970. These events remain the most vivid memories of the period, but McNair's lasting legacy is his remarkable ability to affect peaceful solutions and, ultimately, compliance with federal court rulings. Grose contends that it was McNair's decisive actions and reactions to crises that steered South Carolina clear of much of the ongoing strife of neighboring states during this period and allowed the governor to achieve much improvement to the condition of the state's education system and economy. Grose's narrative draws from an extensive oral history project on the McNair administration conducted by the University of South Carolina and the South Carolina Department of Archives and History as well as recent interviews with key participants.
2009 Choice Outstanding Academic Title • A provocative look into civil rights progress in the Palmetto State from activists, statesmen, and historians Toward the Meeting of the Waters represents a watershed moment in civil rights history—bringing together voices of leading historians alongside recollections from central participants to provide the first comprehensive history of the civil rights movement as experienced by black and white South Carolinians. Edited by Winfred B. Moore Jr. and Orville Vernon Burton, this work originated with a highly publicized landmark conference on civil rights held at the Citadel in Charleston. The volume opens with an assessment of the transition of South Carolina leaders from defiance to moderate enforcement of federally mandated integration and includes commentary by former governor and U.S. senator Ernest F. Hollings and former governor John C. West. Subsequent chapters recall defining moments of white-on-black violence and aggression to set the context for understanding the efforts of reformers such as Levi G. Byrd and Septima Poinsette Clark and for interpreting key episodes of white resistance. Emerging from these essays is arresting evidence that, although South Carolina did not experience as much violence as many other southern states, the civil rights movement here was more fiercely embattled than previously acknowledged. The section of retrospectives serves as an oral history of the era as it was experienced by a mixture of locally and nationally recognized participants, including historians such as John Hope Franklin and Tony Badger as well as civil rights activists Joseph A. De Laine Jr., Beatrice Brown Rivers, Charles McDew, Constance Curry, Matthew J. Perry Jr., Harvey B. Gantt, and Cleveland Sellers Jr. The volume concludes with essays by historians Gavin Wright, Dan Carter, and Charles Joyner, who bring this story to the present day and examine the legacy of the civil rights movement in South Carolina from a modern perspective. Toward the Meeting of the Waters also includes thirty-seven photographs from the period, most of them by Cecil Williams and many published here for the first time.
In this highly original study, Gregory Downs argues that the most American of wars, the Civil War, created a seemingly un-American popular politics, rooted not in independence but in voluntary claims of dependence. Through an examination of the pleas and petitions of ordinary North Carolinians, Declarations of Dependence contends that the Civil War redirected, not destroyed, claims of dependence by exposing North Carolinians to the expansive but unsystematic power of Union and Confederate governments, and by loosening the legal ties that bound them to husbands, fathers, and masters. Faced with anarchy during the long reconstruction of government authority, people turned fervently to the government for protection and sustenance, pleading in fantastic, intimate ways for attention. This personalistic, or what Downs calls patronal, politics allowed for appeals from subordinate groups like freed blacks and poor whites, and also bound people emotionally to newly expanding postwar states. Downs's argument rewrites the history of the relationship between Americans and their governments, showing the deep roots of dependence, the complex impact of the Civil War upon popular politics, and the powerful role of Progressivism and segregation in submerging a politics of dependence that--in new form--rose again in the New Deal and persists today.