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Every adoption experience is uniquely different but the yearning to have unconditional family love is universal. Indian sisters, Priya and Ari, experience what it's like to be adopted into a multi-cultural, interracial family. Walk alongside these two charming, dynamic girls as they journey through the adoption transition to a new country full of new experiences! Told from young Priya's perspective, she shares her fun times, challenges, difficult memories and cultural discoveries. Priya moves through her world with a cautious eye while little sister, Ari, jumps in head first. This makes for comical moments and demonstrates that children can experience the same journey quite differently. A glossary of cultural terms is included so that all can learn and enjoy what Ari and Priya cherish about their Indian roots. This book is meant to be a resource to those hoping to learn about one family's adoption experience and may even help a child process their own adoption story.
Ever wondered what it's like to be adopted? This anthology begins with personal accounts and then shifts to a bird's eye view on adoption from domestic, intercountry and transracial adoptees who are now adoptee rights activists. Along with adopted people, this collection also includes the voices of mothers and a father from the Baby Scoop Era, a modern-day mother who almost lost her child to adoption, and ends with the experience of an adoption investigator from Against Child Trafficking. These stories are usually abandoned by the very industry that professes to work for the "best interest of children," "child protection," and for families. However, according to adopted people who were scattered across nations as children, these represent typical human rights issues that have been ignored for too long. For many years, adopted people have just dealt with such matters alone, not knowing that all of us—as a community—have a great deal in common.
A passionate love affair between high school sweethearts creates an accidental pregnancy during a sultry night on the shore of Lake Michigan. Rebecca's unforgiving parents banish her to an unwed mother's home where she secretly gives birth to a baby girl. Her daughter Judy is placed in the loving care of foster parents before being callously given to Mario and Rosella Romano for adoption on her first birthday. Reoccurring visions and fantasies of her birthmother plague Judy's consciousness for three decades until a life-changing passage into adulthood causes her to question why she was abandoned. What begins as a simple investigation into her medical and ancestral history slowly evolves into a passionate quest to discover her roots. Through good timing, perseverance, and a few small miracles, Judy eventually solves the mystery of her origins. But will the woman she has been seeking welcome Judy back into her life? About the Authors Judith and Martin Land live in Colorado and Arizona. They told the entire story of Judith Land's adoption, from her birth through adulthood, to provide the reader with unique insights into the mind of an adoptee at various stages of her life.
Adoption has always had a political dimension. Its potential use to achieve political ends has been evident throughout history and in many different cultures. In Roman 1 times an emperor would adopt a successful general to continue his rule. In Ireland under the Brehon Laws the reciprocal placements of children between clans was 2 an accepted means of cementing mutual allegiances. In Japan the adoption of non-relatives was traditionally seen as a means of allying with the fortunes of 3 the ruling family. The willingness of governments to use adoption as a political strategy was apparent, for example, in Australia where it was used to further 4 the assimilation of indigenous people. It is now present in the phenomenon of intercountry adoption where the ?ow of children, particularly in the aftermath of war, is often politics by proxy and which arguably attracts the involvement of 5 some countries for reasons of economic and political expediency. Adoption does not function in isolation. It plays a distinct role within the c- text of family law proceedings. The extent to which it is available as a resource for children in the public care system or as an adjunct to marriage proceedings is essentially politically determined. It is itself susceptible to political in?uence. 6 In fact direct political leadership, exercised ?rst by President Clinton and then 1 See, Gibbons, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Harrap, London 1949 at p. 30.
Jennifer Ebenhack knows what it is to be broken down by circumstances. She and her husband Jarod had no idea their decision to adopt twins from Haiti would turn into eight years of life in that literal sun-scorched land. While those years of ministry involved joys and sorrows, life-threatening dangers and divine interventions, none of those years included any progress on their children's adoptions. But God saw it all. The exhaustion, anxiety, and especially the disintegration of all human hope in the wake of the 2010 Port-au-Prince earthquake. In a Sun-Scorched Land is a story of dead-ends turned to miracles; of desperation turned to peace. Though your story may differ, this is the story of all our lives: reaching the end of ourselves to find that God alone is our hope and the mover of mountains.
Discussions of land tenure in social anthropology have usually been deeply embedded in broader empirical and theoretical explanations of social, economic, legal, and political institutions. In this volume the editors have sought to correct the emphasis of previous studies by focusing our attention directly on land tenure in Oceania, without, it must be added, losing sight of the connections between land tenure principles and general social structure. The editors have deliberately looked for similarities by analyzing each tenure system from the same analytical and conceptual perspective. Chapters 1 and 9 specifically discuss the methodological and theoretical framework that evolved in the course of analyzing the seven tenure systems described in chapters 2 through 8. The difficulties and problems encountered by the contributors in presenting their data in comparable form is reflected by the more than three years of analysis, writing, editing, and rewriting necessary to complete this volume. The seven substantive ethnographic chapters illustrate the range and diversity in the land tenure practices which are found within the vast culture area of Oceania. The similarities in basic tenure principles between all seven systems seem all the more remarkable in light of the varied geographical and cultural settings of the seven societies. In all of these societies we find a complete absence of fee simple ownership and a corresponding presence of entailed family estates. The ethnography reveals tenure principles that detail an impressive number and variety of separate categories of property. Each category, in turn, includes an even greater number of rights and duties that symbolize different forms of proprietorship. The differential allocation of these rights and duties among persons and groups represents the exact point of connection between land tenure and social structure. For example, kinship principles that specify the distribution of authority within age, sex, descent, and status categories converge on such tenure principles as land use, land distribution, succession, and inheritance. Principles of political organization concerning the relative scaling of authority and power within the society have clear parallels in the land tenure system, where corporate and individual tenure privileges are differentiated. Economic principles subtly merge with land tenure principles in social domains, where land as a resource and land as a value intersect.
Recognized as a major work when first published, this title has, over the years, become a classic. Forming the basis of modern social anthropology, We the Tikiopia stands in the forefront of its literature. The book is an excellent example of fieldwork analysis of a primitive society; a complete account of the working of a primitive kinship system; and an exhaustive and sophisticated study of Polynesian social institutions. First published in 1936.