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First Published in 1986. The Arab League, founded in 1945, was regarded by many as a ploy of the British to secure the cooperation and goodwill of the Arabs during the Second World War and as an instrument to ensure the British presence in the Middle East after the war. This book presents a different picture. The British policy was a far cry from supporting the Arab unity movement. On the contrary, the British Government tried to forestall that movement or, at least, to postpone its implementation until after the end of the Second World War. Anthony Eden's famous Mansion House speech of May 1941 was not intended to signal a drastic change in the British Middle Eastern policy, but rather to fore­ stall a strongly pro-Zionist proposal which had been put forward by Winston Churchill. It is true that there were some British personalities (mainly unofficial) who supported the Arab unity trend, but the thrust of their positive argument was that a broader framework of Arab federation would be instrumental in helping to solve the intractable problem of Palestine. What might surprise some readers is the fact that some highly important Zionist leaders were the main protagonists of that idea, believing that if the Arabs were to obtain satisfaction of their national aspirations through unity they {the Arabs) would adopt a much more moderate attitude towards the Zionist movement in Palestine. The Arab leaders and rulers tried to bring about a higher degree of cooperation or even a federation of their countries, either for dynastic or political reasons. But the British negative reaction was not always crystal clear, owing to the more favourable attitude typical of many, including the top, British representatives in the Middle East.
The struggle between Egypt and Iraq over Arab hegemony constitutes the main theme of this study. Focussing on the struggle over Middle Eastern defense between 1945-58, and culminating in the conflict over the Baghdad Pact (1955-58), it sheds new light on Arab politics during the period under review. This research concentrates predominantly on the regional actors. The underlying assumption is that policies were not necessarily formulated in Washington and London, and that — often enough — major decisions taken in Ankara, Cairo, Baghdad, Damascus, Amman and other Arab capitals affected decision-makers in Western capitals. The Quest for Hegemony in the Arab World is based on newly-released British, American and Israeli documents, as well as on all available Arab sources. The study's value rests upon its discussion of the Baghdad Pact, a significant event which was hitherto neglected, yet marked a watershed in modern Arab history. This study's approach offers an analytical framework with which the present struggle for hegemony in the Arab world may be examined.
This volume is limited to contributions by Professor Kedourie's previous students. It reveals the far-reaching range of his interests and the immense expanse of his horizons. The first part deals with philosophy, political thought and ideology and the second with history and politics.
Britain emerged from World War II dependent economically and militarily upon the US. Egypt was the hub of Britain's imperial interests in the Middle East, but her inability to maintain a large garrison there was clear to the indigenous peoples. These essays track the decline of the empire.
Like a great dynasty that falls to ruin and is eventually remembered more for its faults than its feats, Arab nationalism is remembered mostly for its humiliating rout in the 1967 Six Day War, for inter-Arab divisions, and for words and actions distinguished by their meagerness. But people tend to forget the majesty that Arab nationalism once was. In this elegantly narrated and richly documented book, Adeed Dawisha brings this majesty to life through a sweeping historical account of its dramatic rise and fall. Dawisha argues that Arab nationalism--which, he says, was inspired by nineteenth-century German Romantic nationalism--really took root after World War I and not in the nineteenth century, as many believe, and that it blossomed only in the 1950s and 1960s under the charismatic leadership of Egypt's Gamal 'Abd al-Nasir. He traces the ideology's passage from the collapse of the Ottoman Empire through its triumphant ascendancy in the late 1950s with the unity of Egypt and Syria and with the nationalist revolution of Iraq, to the mortal blow it received in the 1967 Arab defeat by Israel, and its eventual eclipse. Dawisha criticizes the common failure to distinguish between the broader, cultural phenomenon of "Arabism" and the political, secular desire for a united Arab state that defined Arab nationalism. In recent decades competitive ideologies--not least, Islamic militancy--have inexorably supplanted the latter, he contends. Dawisha, who grew up in Iraq during the heyday of Arab nationalism, infuses his work with rare personal insight and extraordinary historical breadth. In addition to Western sources, he draws on an unprecedented wealth of Arab political memoirs and studies to tell the fascinating story of one of the most colorful and significant periods of the contemporary Arab world. In doing so, he also gives us the means to more fully understand trends in the region today. Complete with a hard-hitting new and expanded section that surveys recent nationalism and events in the Middle East, Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century tells the fascinating story of one of the most colorful and significant periods in twentieth-century Middle Eastern history.
In The Middle East and the Making of the Modern World, Cyrus Schayegh takes up a fundamental problem historians face: how to make sense of the spatial layeredness of the past. He argues that the modern world’s ultimate socio-spatial feature was not the oft-studied processes of globalization or state formation or urbanization. Rather, it was fast-paced, mutually transformative intertwinements of cities, regions, states, and global circuits, a bundle of processes he calls transpatialization. To make this case, Schayegh’s study pivots around Greater Syria (Bilad al-Sham in Arabic), which is roughly coextensive with present-day Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, and Israel/Palestine. From this region, Schayegh looks beyond, to imperial and global connections, diaspora communities, and neighboring Egypt, Iraq, and Turkey. And he peers deeply into Bilad al-Sham: at cities and their ties, and at global economic forces, the Ottoman and European empire-states, and the post-Ottoman nation-states at work within the region. He shows how diverse socio-spatial intertwinements unfolded in tandem during a transformative stretch of time, the mid-nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries, and concludes with a postscript covering the 1940s to 2010s.
Over the past four decades the Arab nations have exercised an enormous political and economic influence on world events. Much of that impact has been exerted not through the direct actions of individual governments but collectively or indirectly through pan-Arab organizations, economic associations such as OPEC, or through international agencies including the United Nations and the International Monetary Fund. "Arab Regional Organizations "is a fully annotated bibliographic guide to the functions, infrastructures, and effectiveness of Arab organizational activity. The organizations covered in this volume have grown in importance in lockstep with developments in the Middle East. This is particularly so in the areas of economics and energy where there has been the establishment of national control over the oil industry and a consequent economic boom. Institutions such as the Gulf Cooperation Council have also become vital to the continued politcal stability of the member states and to the strategic importance of the region as illustrated by the Iran-Iraq war and the Persian Gulf War. The book also takes note of the special economic importance of organizations such as the Kuwait, Saudi, and Abu Dhabi Funds. These perform a major role among developing nations because of their project aid and technical assistance programs. "Arab Regional Organizations "covers a variety of subjects but concentrates on economics, energy, politics, and development subjects. A lengthy introductory section is designed to provide readers with the background of each organization and to direct them to other sources of information. A supplementary section deals with the effects of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the Gulf War. Researchers, librarians, economists, political scientists, and Middle East specialists will find this volume an invaluable guide to the literature of the region.
Roger Owen has fully revised and updated his authoritative text to take into account the latest developments in the Middle East. This book continues to serve as an excellent introduction for newcomers to the modern history and politics of this fascinating region. This third edition continues to explore the emergence of individual Middle Eastern states since the fall of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War and the key themes that have characterized the region since then.
The principle of solidarity is particularly important now because it is in juxtaposition to some current self-centered trends in politics: the crises that have upset the world in recent years, such as migrations, hegemonic aspirations, pandemics, and wars, have made self-evident the inadequacy of such selfish politics. It therefore seems very useful to understand the role that solidarity could play in contemporary scenarios. This book thus collects various contributions on the principle of solidarity in international law. Firstly, it reconstructs the foundations of solidarity in law and investigates the origins of the principle. Subsequently, it tries to ascertain if solidarity exists as a principle in international law and, if so, what its scope is. The book then examines the eventual implementation of the principle of solidarity in regional organizations law: the question is whether solidarity is more effective and if it is actually better fulfilled when relationships between states get stronger, such as in regional and sub-regional organizations. Such implementation is notable in EU Law, but the analysis also involves other regional and sub-regional organizations, namely the African Union, ECOWAS, the League of Arab States, and MERCOSUR. This book takes into account not only some distinctive areas of solidarity, such as migration law, or specific institutional contexts where solidarity is a declared principle, objective or value, for example, the European Union, but it also considers whether, and to what extent, the manifestations of solidarity differ in disparate settings, trying to discover the reasons behind such divergences. The book will be of interest to researchers and academics in the areas of International Law, International Organizations Law, European Law, Human Rights Law, Business Law, and Constitutional Law.
The Routledge Companion to World History since 1914 is an outstanding compendium of facts and figures on World History. Fully up-to-date, reliable and clear, this volume is the indispensable source of information on a thorough range of topics such as: the Arab-Israeli conflict anti-semitism and the Holocaust all the world's major famines and natural disasters since 1914 whether all countries of the world have a king, president, prime minister or other governance GNP of the world's major states, year by year biographies of key figures civil rights movements the Vietnam War the rise of terrorism globalization. Thematically presented, the book covers topics relevant from the First World War to the Iraq war of 2003, and from post-colonial Africa to conflicts and movements in Southeast Asia. With maps, chronologies and full bibliography, this user-friendly reference work is the essential companion for students of history, politics and international relations, and for all those with an interest in world history.