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This eighth volume in the Studies of Israeli Society series presents a broad array of topics related to the sociology of immigration to Israel. The focus is on immigration and migration during the 1980s and 1990s. The chapters were selected from a list of approximately 450 articles on the subject by Israeli sociologists. The book covers such issues as migrants in the occupational structure; migration and health; formal and informal mechanisms of integration; ethnic identities and processes of integration; and processes of migration and their implications.Immigration to Israel opens with two papers written specifically for this volume. The first is a theoretical-historical chapter by the editors. They discuss the role and contribution of Israeli sociologists to the ongoing literature of migration.The second by Sergio DellaPergola, provides a historical and comparative perspective of the underlying demographic characteristics of migration to Israel in the context of global Jewish migration processes.Other chapters and contributors include: ""New Entrepreneurs and Entrepreneurial Aspirations among Immigrants from the Former USSR in Israel"" by M. Lerner and Y. Hendeles, ""New Immigrants as a Special Group in the Israeli Armed Forces"" by V. Azarya and B. Kimmerling; ""Iranian Ethnicity in Israel"" by J. L. Goldstein; ""Ethiopian Immigrants in Israel"" by S. Kaplan and C. Rosen; 'The Attitudes of Israeli Youth Toward Inter-ethnic and Intra-ethnic Marriage"" by R. Shachar; and ""Jewish Immigrants from Israel in the United States"" by Z. Eisenbach. Immigration to Israel: Sociological Perspectives concludes with a selected bibliography. This volume contains a wealth of information and will be important to sociologists, historians, scholars of Israeli culture, and ethnicity specialists.
This eighth volume in the Studies of Israeli Society series presents a broad array of topics related to the sociology of immigration to Israel. The focus is on immigration and migration during the 1980s and 1990s. The chapters were selected from a list of approximately 450 articles on the subject by Israeli sociologists. The book covers such issues as migrants in the occupational structure; migration and health; formal and informal mechanisms of integration; ethnic identities and processes of integration; and processes of migration and their implications. Immigration to Israel opens with two papers written specifically for this volume. The first is a theoretical-historical chapter by the editors. They discuss the role and contribution of Israeli sociologists to the ongoing literature of migration.The second by Sergio DellaPergola, provides a historical and comparative perspective of the underlying demographic characteristics of migration to Israel in the context of global Jewish migration processes. Other chapters and contributors include: "New Entrepreneurs and Entrepreneurial Aspirations among Immigrants from the Former USSR in Israel" by M. Lerner and Y. Hendeles, "New Immigrants as a Special Group in the Israeli Armed Forces" by V. Azarya and B. Kimmerling; "Iranian Ethnicity in Israel" by J. L. Goldstein; "Ethiopian Immigrants in Israel" by S. Kaplan and C. Rosen; 'The Attitudes of Israeli Youth Toward Inter-ethnic and Intra-ethnic Marriage" by R. Shachar; and "Jewish Immigrants from Israel in the United States" by Z. Eisenbach. Immigration to Israel: Sociological Perspectives concludes with a selected bibliography. This volume contains a wealth of information and will be important to sociologists, historians, scholars of Israeli culture, and ethnicity specialists.
A critical examination of the history of US-Palestinian relations The United States has invested billions of dollars and countless diplomatic hours in the pursuit of Israeli-Palestinian peace and a two-state solution. Yet American attempts to broker an end to the conflict have repeatedly come up short. At the center of these failures lay two critical factors: Israeli power and Palestinian politics. While both Israelis and Palestinians undoubtedly share much of the blame, one also cannot escape the role of the United States, as the sole mediator in the process, in these repeated failures. American peacemaking efforts ultimately ran aground as a result of Washington’s unwillingness to confront Israel’s ever-deepening occupation or to come to grips with the realities of internal Palestinian politics. In particular, the book looks at the interplay between the U.S.-led peace process and internal Palestinian politics—namely, how a badly flawed peace process helped to weaken Palestinian leaders and institutions and how an increasingly dysfunctional Palestinian leadership, in turn, hindered prospects for a diplomatic resolution. Thus, while the peace process was not necessarily doomed to fail, Washington’s management of the process, with its built-in blind spot to Israeli power and Palestinian politics, made failure far more likely than a negotiated breakthrough. Shaped by the pressures of American domestic politics and the special relationship with Israel, Washington’s distinctive “blind spot” to Israeli power and Palestinian politics has deep historical roots, dating back to the 1917 Balfour Declaration and the British Mandate. The size of the blind spot has varied over the years and from one administration to another, but it is always present.
Fighting for Dignity explores the impact of a mass deportation campaign on African and Asian migrant workers in Tel Aviv and their Israeli-born children. In this vivid ethnography, Sarah Willen shows how undocumented migrants struggle to craft meaningful, flourishing lives despite the exclusion and vulnerability they endure.
This book provides a new critical perspective on questions of immigration and society in Israel through a detailed analysis of ethnic formation, identity patterns, political behavior, and cultural orientation among the 1990s immigrants from the former Soviet Union in Israel.
Ballot box voting is often considered the essence of political freedom. But it has two major shortcomings: individual voters have little chance of making a difference, and they face strong incentives to remain ignorant about the issues at stake. "Voting with your feet," however, avoids both these pitfalls and offers a wider range of choices. In Free to Move, Ilya Somin explains how broadening opportunities for foot voting can greatly enhance political liberty for millions of people around the world. People can vote with their feet through international migration, choosing where to live within a federal system, and by making decisions in the private sector. Somin addresses a variety of common objections to expanded migration rights, including claims that the "self-determination" of natives requires giving them the power to exclude migrants, and arguments that migration is likely to have harmful side effects, such as undermining political institutions, overburdening the welfare state, increasing crime and terrorism, and spreading undesirable cultural values. While these objections are usually directed at international migration, Somin shows how a consistent commitment to such theories would also justify severe restrictions on domestic freedom of movement. By making a systematic case for a more open world, Free to Move challenges conventional wisdom on both the left and the right. This revised and expanded edition addresses key new issues, including fears that migration could spread dangerous diseases, such as Covid-19, claims that immigrants might generate a political backlash that threatens democracy, and the impact of remote work.
Leading social scientists from Israeli and American universities, using different methods and representing diverse intellectual traditions, address the precedent-setting events of Israel's 1996 elections. The contributors discuss the meaning of collective identity, the role of religion and nationalism in modern Israel, the political behavior of Israeli Arabs, the secrets of success of the immigrant party. Also discussed are issues such as the impact of the direct election law on party organization, primaries and coalition-formation calculations, the repeated electoral failure of Shimon Peres, and the role of the media in the election campaign. The 1996 elections in Israel represented a "first" in Israeli politics in many ways. For the first time Israelis directly elected their prime minister and, in simultaneous but separate elections, they elected their 120-member Knesset (parliament). Also, it was the first time that elections were held after the mutual recognition of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization following the Oslo accords and it was the first election held after the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rubin. The political parties made widespread use of primaries in 1996, and hundreds of thousands of new immigrants from the former Soviet Union cast their first ballots. The large support for a party supported by former-Soviet immigrants highlighted the emergence of sectarian interests. This was also expressed in the surge for the two Arab parties from five seats in 1992 to nine seats in 1996, and for the three Jewish religious parties whose combined representation grew from 16 to 23 seats.
In Immigrants and Electoral Politics, Heath Brown shows why nonprofit electoral participation has emerged in relationship to new threats to immigrants, on one hand, and immigrant integration into U.S. society during a time of demographic change, on the other. Immigrants across the United States tend to register and vote at low rates, thereby limiting the political power of many of their communities. In an attempt to boost electoral participation through mobilization, some nonprofits adopt multifaceted political strategies including registering new voters, holding candidate forums, and phone banking to increase immigrant voter turnout. Other nonprofits opt to barely participate at all in electoral politics, preferring to advance the immigrant community by providing exclusively social services.Brown interviewed dozens of nonprofit leaders and surveyed hundreds of organizations. To capture the breadth of the immigrant experience, Brown selected organizations operating in traditional centers of immigration as well as new gateways for immigrants across the South: Florida, Illinois, Michigan, New Jersey, New York, and, North Carolina. The stories that emerge from his research include incredible successes in mobilizing immigrant communities, including organizations that registered sixty thousand new immigrant voters in New York. They also reveal efforts to suppress nonprofit voter mobilization in Florida and describe the organizational response to hate crimes directed at immigrants in Illinois.