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Focusing on autonomy in countries whose societies are marked by ethnic diversity, this work examines the effects of territorial solutions to the safeguarding of cultural identities. Contributors distinguish among types of autonomy and their impact on pluralism, democracy and unity of the state.
Focusing on autonomy in countries whose societies are marked by ethnic diversity, this work examines the effects of territorial solutions to the safeguarding of cultural identities. Contributors distinguish among types of autonomy and their impact on pluralism, democracy and unity of the state.
An all star cast of academic experts offer an important and timely analysis of the pursuit of autonomy. They argue that it is key to move beyond the primarily normative debate about the rights or wrongs of autonomous regions on the basis of cultural concerns, instead focusing on understanding what makes autonomy function successfully.
Ethnic inequalities in divided societies can exacerbate social divisions and lead to conflict. Reducing these inequalities could have a de-escalating effect, yet there is little consensus on how this can be achieved most effectively and sustainably. Decentralisation is held to improve inter-ethnic relations in multi-ethnic states by allowing territorially concentrated groups greater autonomy over their own affairs, and the case of the Republic of Macedonia offers an example of the successes and failings of decentralisation. Decentralisation and the Management of Ethnic Conflict offers new insight into the dynamics of conflict management through decentralisation, using an in-depth case study of decentralisation in the Republic of Macedonia between 2005 and 2012. Guided by the concept of horizontal inequalities, the volume identifies the factors which influenced the decision to devolve responsibilities to the municipalities after 2001.Taking an integrative approach to studying the political, administrative, and fiscal dimensions of decentralisation and its implementation, the book investigates whether these institutional reforms have indeed contributed to the reduction of inequalities between Macedonia’s ethnic groups, and what the obstacles were in those areas in which decentralisation has not reached its full potential. The key lesson of the Macedonian case is that attempts to solve internal self-determination conflicts through decentralisation will fail if local self-governance exists only in form but not in substance. This book contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the challenges facing different forms of decentralisation in the long term, and as such represents a significant contribution to Conflict Studies, Development Studies and Political Science more generally.
Public debate about immigrant integration has often led to a heightened awareness or even a collective redefinition of identiy. Such processes are studied through the unique example of Spain.
This book is based on a comparative study of regionalisms in Croatia’s regions of Dalmatia and Istria as well as Serbia’s Vojvodina. The monograph’s main focus is on regionalist political party strategies since 1990, and within that, each case study considers history and historiography, inter-group relations, economics, and region-building. The analysis demonstrates that many of the common assumptions about the causal determinants of territorial autonomy projects and outcomes, as well as about a teleological and unidirectional path from regionalism to nationalism, do not stand up to scrutiny. The author introduces original concepts such as plurinational, multinational and sectional regionalism to theories of nationalism and territorial politics. This book will appeal to scholars and upper-level students interested in territorial politics, federalism, nationalism and comparative politics.
Few bilateral conflicts have proven as resistant to resolution as the Kashmir disputebetween India and Pakistan. What explains the tenacity of this dispute? The answer iscomplex and goes to the very basis of state-construction in South Asia. India, which hadbeen created as a civic polity, initially sought to hold on to this Muslim-majority state todemonstrate its secular credentials. 1 Pakistan, in turn, had laid claim to Kashmir becauseit had been created as the homeland for the Muslims of South Asia. 2 After the break-up ofPakistan in 1971 the Pakistani irredentist claim to Kashmir lost substa.
This exciting and innovative new textbook takes a multi-perspective approach to the study of conflict management in divided societies. Offering a wide range of perspectives from the leading experts in the field, the work explains conflict management from the viewpoint of the political scientist, the constitutional architect, the activist, and the NGO. It examines the philosophies underpinning constitutional design, the actors and processes involved, and the practicalities of the settlement process, combining conceptual and theoretical contributions with empirical case studies. In so doing, it provides a comprehensive global introduction to the study of conflict management in divided societies. Features & benefits of the textbook: Clearly explains the theories underpinning constitutional design including power sharing/liberal consociationalism, centripetalism, power dividing, and territorial solutions Surveys the key actors and processes involved in designing and implementing peace including the evolution of diplomacy in peace-making, and separate chapters about crafting solutions for divided societies from the perspectives of NGOs, the UN, EU and AU Explores the realities on the ground with chapters written by activists and practitioners which draw on their experience of working in conflict zones Written in a clear and engaging style, this work is essential reading for all students of conflict resolution.
"This volume provides an in-depth look at the way globalization reshapes political relationships, and will be of interest to students of politics, international studies and globalization."--Jacket.
The Kurds constitute the largest stateless nation in the world. Their position in Turkey attracts attention both within the country and internationally, particularly focusing on the demand for Kurdish independence. Yet since the 1990s, new Kurdish parties have formed within Turkey who have a variety of ideologies and demands that go beyond, and differ in opinion on, the question of independence. Much of the present literature on the topic looks at the Kurds of Turkey as a homogenous group with unified political demands, which over-simplifies their position within the political backdrop of Turkey. This book seeks to provide nuance and depth to the current debate on Kurdish political agency and presence in Turkey. Presently, the Kurds' political demands can be classified into four categories; democratic autonomy, their cultural rights to be granted, federalism (territorial autonomies) and independence (creation of a Kurdish nation-state). In a broad sense, these models can also be ordered into two categories; territorial political models (federalism and independence) and non-territorial political models (democratic autonomy and cultural rights). Considering the diversity within the Kurdish community - intertwinement of tribal, ethnic and national identity - and differences in their language, religion and ideology, there are several contributing factors for the emergence of the current varied political demands of Kurds. By explaining variation among the Kurds' political demands through close analysis of existing at emerging parties, this study challenges a deterministic approach to the Kurds which currently dominates the discourse.