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This book is a unique contribution to the study of democratization in Hong Kong, with chapters including the legal tradition in Hong Kong, the features of Hong Kong's indigenous democracy, the 2014 Umbrella Movement, and the evolution of the Chief Executive election.
A new era in the democracy movement in Hong Kong began on July 1, 2003, when half a million people protested on the streets, and has included the 2012 anti-National Education campaign, the 2014 Occupy Central Movement and the rapid rise of localist groups. The new democracy movement in Hong Kong is characterized by a diversity of interest groups calling for political reform, policy change and the territory’s autonomy vis-à-vis the central government in Beijing. These groups include lawyers, teachers, students, nativists, workers, Catholics, human rights activists, environmental activists and intellectuals. This book marks a new attempt at understanding the activities of the various interest groups in their quest for democratic participation, governmental responsiveness and openness. They are utilizing new and unconventional modes of political participation, such as the Occupy Central Movement, cross-class mobilization, the use of technology and cyberspace, and human rights activities with cross-boundary implications for China’s political development. The book will be useful to students, researchers, officials, diplomats and journalists interested in the political change of Hong Kong and the implications for mainland China.
In the third edition of Contemporary Hong Kong Government and Politics, Lam Wai-man, Percy Luen-tim Lui, Wilson Wong, and various contributors provide the latest analyses in many aspects of Hong Kong’s government and politics, such as political institutions, mediating institutions, and political actors. They also discuss specific policy areas such as political parties and elections, civil society, political identity and political culture, the mass media, and public opinions after the Umbrella Movement in 2014. The book also evaluates the latest developments in Hong Kong’s relationship with Mainland China and the international community. This new edition offers an up-to-date and comprehensive analysis of the main continuities and changes in the above aspects since 2014. This volume will help its readers grasp a basic understanding of Hong Kong’s political developments in the last ten years.
Participatory media 2.0 have shifted the terrain of public life. We are all—individually and collectively—able to produce and circulate media to a potentially limitless audience, and we are all, at minimum, arbiters of knowledge and information through the choices—or clicks—we make when online. In this new environment of two-way and multidimensional media flow, digital communication tools, platforms and spaces offer enormous potential for the cultivation, development and circulation of diverse and counter-hegemonic perspectives. It has also provoked a crisis of communication between oppositional “echo chambers.” Democracy requires a functioning, critically-engaged and literate populace, one that can participate in, cultivate and shape, in meaningful and critical ways, the discourses and forms of the society in which it exists. Education for democracy, therefore, requires not only political literacy but also media and digital literacies, given the ubiquity and immersiveness of Media 2.0 in our lives. In Democracy 2.0, we feature a series of evocative, international case studies that document the impact of alternative and community use of media, in general, and Web 2.0 in particular. The aim is to foster critical reflection on social realities, developing the context for coalition-building in support of social change and social justice. The chapters herein examine activist uses of social and visual media within a broad and critical frame, underpinning the potential of alternative and DIY (Do It Yourself) media to impact and help forge community relationships, to foster engagement in the civic and social life of citizens across the globe and, ultimately, to support thicker forms of democratic participation, engagement and conscientization, beyond electoralist, representative, normative democracy.
This collection of selected works by Professor Albert H.Y. Chen shows the contours of the author’s scholarship as it developed over 35 years of his academic career, from 1984 to the present. The essays are divided into three sections which cover the three major domains of Professor Chen’s research. Part I covers the legal developments and controversies of “One Country, Two Systems” since the Hong Kong interpretation on “the right of abode” in 1999 to the anti-extradition movement of 2019. Part II shifts to focus on tradition and modernity in Chinese Law, including China’s Confucian and Legalist traditions and how the socialist legal system in China evolved and modernized in the era of “reform and opening”. Part III examines the transplantation of Western thinking and constitutionalism to East Asia in modern times and discusses the achievements and failures of these efforts. In conjunction with an introductory chapter that sets out the basic orientation and paradigm of these legal and constitutional studies and an epilogue that reflects on the main themes, this collection exemplifies the author’s important contributions to the field and provides insight into how the legal orders in Hong Kong and mainland China have changed over the course of Professor Chen’s academic career.
Rarely do acts of civil disobedience come in such grand fashion as Taiwan’s Sunflower Movement and Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement. The two protests came in regions and jurisdictions that many have underestimated as regards furthering notions of political speech, democratisation, and testing the limits of authority. This book breaks down these two movements and explores their complex legal and political significance. The collection brings together some of Asia’s, and especially Taiwan and Hong Kong’s, most prolific writers, many of whom are internationally recognised experts in their respective fields, to address the legal and political significance of both movements, including the complex questions they posed as regards democracy, rule of law, authority, and freedom of speech. Given that occupational type protests have become a prominent method for protesters to make their cases to both citizens and governments, exploring the legalities of these significant protests and establishing best practices will be important to future movements, wherever they may transpire. With this in mind, the book does not stop at implications for Taiwan and Hong Kong, but talks about its subject matter from a comparative, international perspective.
When Britain and China negotiated the future of Hong Kong in the early 1980s, their primary concern was about maintaining the status quo. The rise of China in the last thirty years, however, has reshaped the Beijing-Hong Kong dynamic as new tensions and divisions have emerged. Thus, post-1997 Hong Kong is a case about a global city’s democratic transition within an authoritarian state. The Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Hong Kong introduces readers to these key social, economic, and political developments. Bringing together the work of leading researchers in the field, it focuses on the process of transition from a British colony to a Special Administrative Region under China’s sovereign rule. Organized thematically, the sections covered include: ‘One Country, Two Systems’ in practice Governance in post-colonial Hong Kong Social mobilization The changing social fabric of Hong Kong society Socio-economic development and regional integration The future of Hong Kong. This book provides a thorough introduction to Hong Kong today. As such, it will be invaluable to students and scholars of Hong Kong’s politics, culture and society. It will also be of interest to those studying Chinese political development and the impact of China’s rise more generally.
In The New Politics of Beijing–Hong Kong Relations, Sonny Shiu-Hing Lo looks at the diverging changes to the ideologies from both Beijing and Hong Kong, and the ideological conflicts as taken in the form of factional political struggles between 2012 and the present. This book examines the paternalistic authoritarianism that can be seen in Beijing’s policy toward Hong Kong since the promulgation of the national security law in late June 2020. Lo analyzes the ideological shift from liberal nationalism to conservative nationalism in mainland China, which has taken place since late 2012. The increasingly radical localism in Hong Kong after 2014 transformed Beijing–Hong Kong relations into a conflict-ridden situation characterized by factional struggles. While the imposition of the national security law into Hong Kong since late June 2020 has stabilized the city politically, Beijing’s policy toward Hong Kong is now guided by the principles of protecting its national security and maintaining economic pragmatism, with implications for Beijing’s relations with Taipei in the coming years. “Professor Lo’s detailed and granular account of the clash between rising conservative nationalism in China and growing localist sentiment in Hong Kong offers an indispensable guide to the events and forces that culminate in the imposition of the national security law in 2020. This is an important contribution by a leading scholar and deserves a wide readership.” —Victor Falkenheim, University of Toronto “Detailed, intricate, and informed, an original and forceful analysis of the ideologies and factional politics that have shaped the recent interactions of Beijing and Hong Kong in the lead up to the 2020 national security law and beyond.” —Paul Evans, University of British Columbia “Professor Lo strikes an excellently researched, balanced but critical perspective, sharing blame for the transformation of ‘one country, two systems,’ on a naïve, radical, localist populism in the HKSAR, whose actions fed the fears of the Chinese government about threats to China’s sovereignty over Hong Kong. The resulting national security law replaced Hong Kong’s pluralist system with a paternalistic one.” —David Zweig, The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology
This book reviews the political development of Hong Kong before and after 1997, in particular the evolution of state-society relations in the last two decades, to analyze the slow development of democracy and governance in Hong Kong after 1997. This book is a most comprehensive analysis of the multi-faceted changes in Hong Kong in the last 20 years. The scope of changes analyzed included state functions and institutions, political changes such as party development and development of the Legislative Council, and social changes such as social movements, civil liberties, etc. It helps the reader understand the crisis of governance of Hong Kong after 1997, and the difficulty of democratic development in Hong Kong over the years. The book covers: changing state institutions in Hong Kong in the last few decades; party development in Hong Kong; the changing role and function of the legislature in Hong Kong; the evolution of social movement and movement organizational forms; media freedom, civil liberties, and the role of civil society; and theoretical discussions concerning governance problems and state-society relations in Hong Kong. Special emphasis is placed on how these changes brought about a new state-society relation, which in turn brought governance difficulties after 1997.
This book explores the dynamics of China’s new united front work in Hong Kong. Mainland Chinese penetrative politics can be seen in the activities of local pro-Beijing political parties, clans and neighborhood associations, labor unions, women and media organizations, district federations, and some religious groups. However, united front work in the educational and youth sectors of civil society has encountered strong resistance because many Hong Kong people are post-materialistic and uphold their core values of human rights, the rule of law and transparency. China’s new united front work in Hong Kong has been influenced by its domestic turn toward “hard” authoritarianism, making Beijing see Hong Kong’s democratic activists and radicals as political enemies. Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” is drifting toward “one country, two mixed systems” with some degree of convergence. Yet, Taiwan and some foreign countries have seen China’s united front work as politically destabilizing and penetrative. This book will be of use to scholars, journalists, and observers in other countries seeking to reckon with Chinese influence.