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Dated June 2007. Supplied via TSO's On-Demand Publishing Service

HM Treasury

Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Committee of Public Accounts

Published: 2013-02-15

Total Pages: 46


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The Treasury acts as both the finance ministry and economic ministry but it appears to neglect its role as finance ministry. Its own accounts are impenetrable and there are many instances of poor decision making by departments, which the Treasury could and should have prevented. While staff turnover fell in 2011-12, it is still very high. Furthermore, the Treasury remains committed to cutting its headcount by a third and there are still very few women at senior levels. The support provided to banks in the last crisis helped prevent the banking system from collapse. The Treasury has successfully withdrawn nearly all of the taxpayer guarantees to banks but the taxpayer still owns some £66 billion of shares in RBS and Lloyds, a sum which is yet to be recovered. The Treasury has not convinced that it understands either the risks it has taken on by indemnifying the Bank of England against losses on Quantitative Easing or the expected economic benefits. Some £375 billion has so far been injected into the economy as an 'experiment' but the Department could not explain what the effect has been on the whole economy or on different parts of society. The National Loans Guarantee Scheme achieved just 15 per cent of its intended take-up and has now been superseded by a more generous Bank of England scheme. The Treasury needs to be clear what it wants this Bank of England scheme to achieve, and how it intends to monitor it.
Dated October 2007. The publication is effective from October 2007, when it replaces "Government accounting". Annexes to this document may be viewed at www.hm-treasury.gov.uk
This report identifies issues arising from the FSA's report into the failure of RBS that may merit further legislative or regulatory change. The report also considers the value of the reporting process for understanding the causes of RBS's failure and for ensuring that appropriate lessons have been learnt. The Government should include an explicit requirement for the Prudential Regulation Authority to approve major bank acquisitions and mergers in forthcoming legislation and the Treasury should report on the legislative or other changes it proposes to make to the current regime regulating acquisitions in the banking sector. The Bank of England has still to produce a comprehensive review of the Bank's role in, and response to, the crisis. Any lessons learned will only be available at a very late stage in Parliament's consideration of the Financial Services Bill, when incorporation of them into legislation may be more difficult. The Parliamentary Commission on Banking Standards should examine the PRA's approach to banking supervision. The Government should consult on whether additional legislation is required to ensure that directors or other senior executives of failed banks cannot work in other regulated industries in future, or to make the system more certain. The Committee supports attempts to remedy the misalignment of incentives embedded within the financial services framework. The introduction of strict liability would be a major change to the existing legal framework and would require full public debate. The Parliamentary Commission on Banking Standards should examine this and other options.
The reports published as HC 1627 (ISBN 9780215040183), HC 1617 (ISBN 9780215040480), HC 1659 (ISBN 9780215041487), HC 1695 (9780215041524), HC 1796 (ISBN 9780215041586), HC 1696 (ISBN 9780215041593)
In continuation of HC no. 742 of session 2006-07
*** Winner of the Myrdal Prize for Evolutionary Political Economy *** The last few years have seen the spectacular failure of market fundamentalism in Europe and the US, with a seemingly never-ending spate of corporate scandals and financial crises. As the environmental limits and socially destructive tendencies of the current profit-driven economic model become daily more self-evident, there is a growing demand for a fairer economic alternative, as evidenced by the mounting campaigns against global finance and the politics of austerity. Reclaiming Public Ownership tackles these issues head on, going beyond traditional leftist arguments about the relative merits of free markets and central planning to present a radical new conception of public ownership, framed around economic democracy and public participation in economic decision-making. Cumbers argues that a reconstituted public ownership is central to the creation of a more just and sustainable society. This book is a timely reconsideration of a long-standing but essential topic.