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We associate Fascism with NAZI and Adolf Hitler. Wrong! Adolf Hitler and the National Socialist Worker's Party, NAZI, was a Socialist party.Then who told us that Hitler and the NAZI were Fascist? Joseph Stalin, the mass murderer of the USSR said so. And the rest of the world obeyed. It is time to uncover the truth.Adolf Hitler was a monster, a Socialist monster, as all Socialists are. The facts are out there in plain sight, but the Marxist Academia and media will not consider talking about the truth, least it would tarnish the "good" reputation of the Communism-Socialism, which killed 200 million people worldwide.Socialism, we must fear, not fascism.
Presents convincing evidence that it was Hitler's political strategies and arguments, which built his unprecedented support among the German people.
Madman, tyrant, animal—history has given Adolf Hitler many names. In Mein Kampf (My Struggle), often called the Nazi bible, Hitler describes his life, frustrations, ideals, and dreams. Born to an impoverished couple in a small town in Austria, the young Adolf grew up with the fervent desire to become a painter. The death of his parents and outright rejection from art schools in Vienna forced him into underpaid work as a laborer. During the First World War, Hitler served in the infantry and was decorated for bravery. After the war, he became actively involved with socialist political groups and quickly rose to power, establishing himself as Chairman of the National Socialist German Worker's party. In 1924, Hitler led a coalition of nationalist groups in a bid to overthrow the Bavarian government in Munich. The infamous Munich "Beer-hall putsch" was unsuccessful, and Hitler was arrested. During the nine months he was in prison, an embittered and frustrated Hitler dictated a personal manifesto to his loyal follower Rudolph Hess. He vented his sentiments against communism and the Jewish people in this document, which was to become Mein Kampf, the controversial book that is seen as the blue-print for Hitler's political and military campaign. In Mein Kampf, Hitler describes his strategy for rebuilding Germany and conquering Europe. It is a glimpse into the mind of a man who destabilized world peace and pursued the genocide now known as the Holocaust.
“Why are we socialists?” was written by Dr. Joseph Goebbels in 1929. Goebbels was the Minister of Propaganda under Adolf Hitler from 1933-1945. Goebbels has been described in various ways in documentaries that critique Nazism and Fascism. But what did Goebbels actually say when he talked? To find out, come inside his mouth. See what he said. This book examines the actual words of a man who came close to destroying the planet. If we are to discover the minds of Goebbels (and Hitler), we must penetrate behind the thick curtains of superficial evidence which conceal them and the unreliable media intermediaries who have distorted their speeches and writings. For example, “Why are we socialists?” is merely a small section of a larger article authored by Goebbels that is usually titled: “Those Damned Nazis.” However that is not the title that Goebbels’ gave his larger publication. In the German language the title was “Die verfluchten Hakenkreuzler” or “Those Damned Hakenkreuzlers.” Goebbels did not use the word “Nazi” in the title nor anywhere within the pamphlet (The revelations in this paragraph were uncovered in the historian Dr. Rex Curry’s work). “Those Damned Nazis” is a deceitful translation that was intended to cover up what Goebbels actually said. This book reproduces the entire text of “Why are we socialists?” As a free bonus, specific examination of Mein Kampf is made for many comparisons. This book is a useful study guide to Hitler's Mein Kampf, whereby what had been a vague plan suddenly was reality, almost to the disbelief of Goebbels and other supporters. Goebbels supported schools so that his deadly dogma could be spread throughout Germany’s educational system. This book is a startling expose' of the origin of Goebbels’ goals. This book reveals that many of Goebbels’ shocking ideas were borrowed from the USA.
Nazis were socialists. Adolf Hitler self-identified as "Socialist." He did not self-identify as "Nazi," nor as "Fascist." The latter two words are used to cover up the fact that Hitler's group called themselves "socialists." Modern socialists use the terms "Nazi" and "Fascist" to lie about what Hitler actually said. There was no "Nazi Party." Hitler and his party touted "Socialism" by the very word in voluminous speeches and writings. He did not tout his dogma as "Nazism" or "Fascism" in his speeches and writings. He used the swastika symbol to represent crossed "S" letter shapes for his socialism. Soviet socialism joined German socialism to launch WWII, invading Poland and going onward, leading to genocide.Author Ian Tinny provides jaw-dropping revelations from archives of Dr. Rex Curry's decades of research that are undisputed by the New York Times - The Washington Post - Los Angeles Times - San Francisco Chronicle - Tampa Bay Times - Weekly Standard - Vogue - Chicago Tribune - Newsday - The New York Times Book Review - Tampa Tribune - Library Journal - Publishers Weekly - Saint Petersburg Times - History Journal - Scholar's Weekly -
An examination of the narrative strategies employed in the most dangerous book of the twentieth century and a reflection on totalitarian literature. Hitler's Mein Kampf was banned in Germany for almost seventy years, kept from being reprinted by the accidental copyright holder, the Bavarian Ministry of Finance. In December 2015, the first German edition of Mein Kampf since 1946 appeared, with Hitler's text surrounded by scholarly commentary apparently meant to act as a kind of cordon sanitaire. And yet the dominant critical assessment (in Germany and elsewhere) of the most dangerous book of the twentieth century is that it is boring, unoriginal, jargon-laden, badly written, embarrassingly rabid, and altogether ludicrous. (Even in the 1920s, the consensus was that the author of such a book had no future in politics.) How did the unreadable Mein Kampf manage to become so historically significant? In this book, German literary scholar Albrecht Koschorke attempts to explain the power of Hitler's book by examining its narrative strategies. Koschorke argues that Mein Kampf cannot be reduced to an ideological message directed to all readers. By examining the text and the signals that it sends, he shows that we can discover for whom Hitler strikes his propagandistic poses and who is excluded. Koschorke parses the borrowings from the right-wing press, the autobiographical details concocted to make political points, the attack on the Social Democrats that bleeds into an anti-Semitic conspiracy theory, the contempt for science, and the conscious attempt to trigger outrage. A close reading of National Socialism's definitive text, Koschorke concludes, can shed light on the dynamics of fanaticism. This lesson of Mein Kampf still needs to be learned.
Konrad Heiden was an influential journalist and historian of the Weimar Republic and Nazi Eras. He became an early critic of National Socialism after attending a party meeting in 1920. First published in English in 1934, A History of National Socialism provides a detailed account of the growth of the movement through the 1920’s until its assumption of full control of Germany in 1934. It argues that Nazi ideology was extremely pragmatic and able to accommodate a wide diversity of opinion in return for the unconditional support of Hitler as leader.
Nazi ideology drove Hitler's quest for power in 1933, colored everything in the Third Reich, and culminated in the Second World War and the Holocaust. In this book, Gellately addresses often-debated questions about how Führer discovered the ideology and why millions adopted aspects of National Socialism without having laid eyes on the "leader" or reading his work.
BLACK SUN sheds new light on the sources of Nazi ideology by examining its occult roots in the world of myths, symbols, and fantasies. It traces this development from the writings of various mystics in the early 20th century who propagated the mythology of a superior global ideology whose heroes would fight the forces of moral decadence and greed. The book uses rare archival photographs and sources to chronicle how the Nazis used these mythological foundations to develop Nazism as a political religion. While BLACK SUN documents the nationalist mystical beliefs that infused National Socialism, the book also reveals the disturbing perpetuation of these beliefs among certain political groups today, in Germany and worldwide, reflecting an ongoing search for salvation, inspiration and messianic leaders. This eye-popping expose' juxtaposes the polarization in German national history between an obsession with capturing light in all its symbolic uses in order to battle the "darkness" of the Others. The final lesson that Black Sun implies -and what makes it a provocative and interesting book for a number of audiences, whether scholars and students of history, or iconography- is the danger of not knowing one's own history. In this sense, the title signals not only the recurrent theme of evil throughout history, but also the need to shed light upon all its manifestations.
"The power which has always started the greatest religious and political avalanches in history rolling has from time immemorial been the magic power of the spoken word, and that alone."--Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf As historians have long noted, public oratory has seldom been as pivotal in generating and sustaining the vitality of a movement as it was during the rise and rule of the National Socialist Party, from 1919 to 1945. Led by the charismatic and indefatigable Hitler, National Socialists conducted one of the most powerful rhetorical campaigns ever recorded. Indeed, the mass addresses, which were broadcast live on radio, taped for re-broadcast, and in many cases filmed for play on theater newsreels throughout the Third Reich, constituted one of the most thorough exploitations of media in history. Because such evil lay at the heart of the National Socialist movement, its overwhelming rhetoric has often been negatively characterized as propaganda. As Randall Bytwerk points out, however, the "propaganda" label was anything but negative in the minds of the leaders of the National Socialist movement. In their view, the clear, simplistic, and even one-sided presentation of information was necessary to mobilize effectively all elements of the German population into the National Socialist program. Gathered here are thirteen key speeches of this historically significant movement, including Hitler's announcement of the party's reestablishment in 1925 following the unsuccessful Beer Hall Putsch, four addresses by Joseph Goebbels, the 1938 Kristallnacht speech by Julius Streicher, and four speeches drafted as models for party leaders' use on various public occasions. The volume concludes with Adolf Hitler's final public address on January 30, 1945, three months before his suicide. Several of these works are presented for the first time in English translation. Bytwerk provides a brief introduction to each speech and allows the reader to trace the development and downfall of the Nazi party. Landmark Speeches of National Socialism is an important volume for students of rhetoric, World War II, Nazi Germany, and the Holocaust. RANDALL L. BYTWERK is a professor of communication arts and sciences at Calvin College in Grand Rapids, Michigan. The author of two previous volumes on Nazi rhetoric and propaganda, he holds a Ph.D. from Northwestern University.