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The purpose of this book is to read Han Feizi (c.280 – 233 BC) in the light of Western thought, especially, Machiavelli. Han Feizi is one of the most important philosophical thinkers in ancient China and is still widely read by politicians and business leaders in East Asia. His ideas are often compared with those in Machiavelli's The Prince. Han Feizi argues that political institutions must change with changing circumstances. His work can also be compared with that of Adam Smith, but differs in consideration of economic system and moral sentiments. Han Feizi highly values action, practical skills, useful knowledge (not formal education like Confucianism), absolute obedience, loyalty (based on self-interests), and duty. The key tool to operate the system is objective law (and its effective practice) with fair rewards and punishments. As mainland China, and overseas Chinese-influenced and Confucian societies including Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, North Korea, and Vietnam are rapidly modernized, this classic work, created in the golden period of Chinese thought, carries ongoing relevance and gives deep insights. This is an important resource for people with intellectual, business or politics interests in East Asia, to help to interpret, understand, and predict political and business decisions in the Confucian regions.
The rise of China and India could be the most important political development of the twenty-first century. What will the foreign policies of China and India look like in the future? What should they look like? And what can each country learn from the other? Bridging Two Worlds gathers a coterie of experts in the field, analyzing profound political thinkers from these ancient regions whose theories of interstate relations set the terms for the debates today. This volume is the first work of its kind and is essential reading for anyone interested in the growth of China and India and what it means for the rest of the world. "This brilliant volume shines a light on the two great civilizations that will once again drive world history. No volume could be more timely, more relevant, and more needed than this one." - KISHORE MAHBUBANI, Distinguished Fellow, Asia Research Institute, NUS, and author of The Asian 21st Century "With the recently elevated economic and political power of China and the great potential of India in the twenty-first century, interdisciplinary dialogue and engagement such as is found in this book is necessary for contemporary debates in political theory and international relations." - KUIYI SHEN, Professor of Asian Art History, Theory, and Criticism, University of California, San Diego"
Political theory deals with profound questions about human nature, political principles, and the limits of knowledge. In Teaching Political Theory, Nicholas Tampio shows how political theorists may take a pluralistic approach to help students investigate the deepest levels of political life.
Makes Mencius' and Xunzi's political thought accessible to political theorists, philosophers and scientists with no expertise in classical Chinese or sinology.
This is the first full-length scholarly study of the Chinese 'core' leader and his role in the Chinese Communist Party's elite politics.
This volume presents elite conflicts and political controversies in China from 1895 to 1978 as rooted in two diametrically opposed visions of leadership and political authority: a radical, charismatic model that instills absolute authority in the single leader whose "will" guides the polity and whose "word" is the basis of policy formulation, versus an institutional model in which authority inheres in organization and where “collective” leadership and decision-making govern the political realm. The former model in modern Chinese history entailed a "leader principle" and personality cult that began with Sun Yatsen and Chiang Kaishek in the Nationalist Party (KMT) and reached its peak with the leadership cult of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Chairman Mao Zedong, especially during the 1966-1976 Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. The latter model with its emphasis on “collective leadership” (jiti lingdao) and "administrative rationalism" began as a reaction among early members of the CCP against the promotion of the Sun and Chiang leadership cults and became a central governing principle in the Communist Party that served as official leadership doctrine beginning with the formation of the Party in 1921. While tensions over leadership issues were relatively muted in the pre-1949 period and early 1950s of CCP history as an apparent "compromise" was reached in which from 1943 onward a cult of the leader was promoted for propaganda purposes but with collegial decision-making governing inner Party decision-making, the mid-to-late 1950s saw this "compromise" among the top leadership come under increasing strain and finally break down. Devoted to a fundamentally different vision of a "socialist" China from other top leaders on a number of economic, social, and political fronts, Mao Zedong pushed his domination of the policy process that ultimately provoked a wholesale assault on the CCP apparatus throughout the country while the leader cult reached mythic proportions during the Cultural Revolution. Confronted by the possibility of civil war and generally opposed to the takeover of the polity by the radical Gang of Four led by his wife Jiang Qing, by the mid-1970s the aging great leader acquiesced to the rebuilding of the CCP along traditional, "institutional" lines.
This book focuses on the trans-Meiji Restoration story of the ideological transformation that made modern capitalism possible in Japan. To illustrate this transformation, the book looks at four key architects of Meiji Japan's capitalist institutions: Okubo Toshimichi, Godai Tomoatsu, Matsukata Masayoshi and Maeda Masana.
Chinese Legality focuses on the concept of "legality" as a lens through which to look at Chinese legal reforms, making a valuable contribution to the argument that law has historically been used as a tool to control society in China. This book discusses how Chinese legality in the Xi Jinping era is defined from a theoretical, ideological, historical, and cultural point of view. Covering vitally important events such as Xi’s term limit issue, the Hong Kong protests and the Covid-19 pandemic, the book examines how legality is reflected and embodied in laws and constitutions, and how legality is realized through institutions, with particular focus on how the CCP interacts with the legislature, the judiciary, the procuratorate, and the police. As a study of the legal reforms under Xi Jinping, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of Chinese politics and law.
In the twenty-first century, it is necessary for Asia to step up and assume a larger leadership role on the global stage, commensurate with its economic weight and interests. Eighty-eight percent of the increase in the numbers of the middle class in the next five years will take place in Asia, underscoring the reality that global business and leadership will be colored in significant ways by Asian values, approaches and strategies. This book explores how this may impact our view and conceptual approach to the notion of global leadership. The contributors to this collection explore and examine the concept of global Asian leadership and outcome implications at the societal, corporate and policy-making level. They argue that global leaders will increasingly focus on specific needs, values and strategies that are uniquely Asian, which emphasizes the reality that we most likely will have to redefine our notion of global leadership. This comprehensive study of the integration of Asian and global leadership will benefit those employed in the corporate, government and educational sectors as well as a broader audience with an interest in leadership, policy-making and economics.
This book depicts the sophisticated relationship between Russia and China as a pragmatic one, a political “marriage of convenience”. Yet at the same time the relationship is stable, and will remain so. After all, bilateral relations are usually based on pragmatic interests and the pursuit of these interests is the very essence of foreign policy. And, as often happens in life, the most long-lasting marriages are those based on convenience. The highly complex, complicated, ambiguous and yet, indeed, successful relationship between Russia and China throughout the past 25 years is difficult to grasp theoretically. Russian and Chinese elites are hard-core realists in their foreign policies, and the neorealist school in international relations seems to be the most adequate one to research Sino-Russian relations. Realistically, throughout this period China achieved a multidimensional advantage over Russia. Yet, simultaneously Russia-China relations do not follow the patterns of power politics. Beijing knows its limits and does not go into extremes. Rather, China successfully seeks to build a longterm, stable relationship based on Chinese terms, where both sides gain, albeit China gains a little more. Russia in this agenda does not necessary lose; just gains a little less out of this asymmetric deal. Thus, a new model of bilateral relations emerges, which may be called – by paraphrasing the slogan of Chinese diplomacy – as “asymmetric win-win” formula. This model is a kind of “back to the past“ – a contemporary equivalent of the first model of Russia-China relations: the modus vivendi from the 17th century, achieved after the Nerchinsk treaty.