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The turmoil in the Caribbean and Central America does not have a single cause; it results from both indigenous factors and outside intervention. Some liberals see revolution as the result of poverty and injustice and ignore the East-West security dimensions of the problem, the role of Leninist ideology, and the actions of the Soviet Union and its a
Combined with aggressive rhetoric and ideological hostility, the conventional approach to crisis resolution generates only military options and diminishes our prospects for less dangerous solutions. This book explains how a workable, pragmatic, and efficient foreign policy in relation to Soviet-Cuban activities in the Third World can evolve through negotiation, that de-emphasizes ideology. The focus is on problems within less developed countries--problems that provide opportunities for Soviet-Cuban involvement. The book examines several Third World conflicts in which the Soviet Union and Cuba are involved (The Horn of Africa, Afghanistan, Nicaragua, Southern Africa, and the Commonwealth Caribbean) and suggests a pragmatic policy tailored to each regional conflict. An objective assessment of Soviet-Cuban activities discovers opportunities for cooperation and mutual restraint.
An evaluation of Soviet efforts to penetrate the major regions in the southern hemisphere, concluding that success has been modest and continues to be costly. It is suggested that a world society could emerge based on socio-economic and political competition rather than conflict and arms races.
The twentieth-century history of Cuba borders on fantasy. This diminutive country boldly and repeatedly exercises the foreign policy of a major power. Although closely tied to the United States through most of its modern history, Cuba successfully defied the U.S. government after 1959, consolidated its own power, and defeated an invasion of U.S.-backed exiles at the Bay of Pigs in 1961. Fidel Castro then brought the world alarmingly close to nuclear war in 1962. Jorge Domínguez presents a comprehensive survey of Cuban international relations since Castro came to power. Domínguez unravels Cuba's response to the 1962 missile crisis and the U.S.-Soviet understandings that emerged from that. He explores the ties that link Cuba to the U.S.S.R. and other Communist countries; analyzes Cuban support for revolutionary movements throughout the world, especially in Latin America and Africa; and assesses the significance of Cuban political and economic relations with Western Europe, Canada, and Japan. Some have charged that Cuba does not have a foreign policy, that Fidel Castro merely takes orders from his Soviet bosses. Domínguez argues that there is indeed a specifically Cuban foreign policy, poised not only between hegemony and autonomy, between compliance and self-assertion, but also between militancy and pragmatism. He believes that within the context of Soviet hegemony Cuba's foreign policy is very much its own, and he marshals impressive evidence to support this belief. His book is based on extensive documentation from Cuba, the United States, and other countries, as well as from many in-depth interviews carried out during trips to Cuba.
In the fall of 1983, arguably the coldest year of the decades-long Cold War, the world's greatest superpower invaded Grenada, a Marxist-led Caribbean nation the size of Atlanta. Why and how this unlikely one-week war was waged was shrouded in secrecy at the time--and has remained so ever since. This book is an overdue reconsideration of Operation Urgent Fury, based on historical evidence that only recently has been revealed in declassified documents, oral history interviews and memoir accounts. This chronological narrative emphasizes the human dimension of a sudden crisis now regarded as the greatest foreign policy challenge of President Ronald Reagan's first term. Because the American intervention was hastily drafted, many snafus and accidents marked the chaotic initial days of the operation. Inevitably it fell to individual soldiers, aviators and sailors to perform heroic acts to make up for faulty intelligence, inadequate communication or poor coordination. This work recounts their inspiring, underreported stories in filling out a more complete portrait of Operation Urgent Fury. The final chapter recounts the invasion's aftereffects, especially the unexpected role it played in Congressional reform of the military for future combat in the Middle East.
Robert Beck's study focuses principally on two related questions. First, how did the Reagan administration decide to launch the invasion of Grenada? And second, what role did international law play in that decision? The Grenada Invasion draws on extensive interviews and correspondence with key participants—and on the recently published memoirs of those who participated in or witnessed the administration's deliberations—in order to render a new and more complete picture of Operation "Urgent Fury" decisionmaking. Beck concludes that international law did not determine policy, but that it acted briefly as a restraint and then as a justification for action.
A successor volume to the editors' Dependency under Challenge: The Political Economy of the Commonwealth Caribbean (Manchester U. Press, 1984), this volume reviews political and economic developments of the 1980s not just in the Commonwealth Caribbean but in the whole of the Caribbean region, in original analyses by specialist scholars in the field of Caribbean studies. Paper edition (unseen), $15.95. Annotation copyright by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR
"Why do I fight here in this land so foreign to my own? Why did I come here far from my home and family?...Is it because I seek adventure? No...I am here because I believe that the most important thing for free men to do is to protect the freedom of others." —William Morgan, in a letter to Herbert Matthews at the New York Times When William Morgan was twenty-two years old, he was working as a high school janitor in Toledo Ohio. Seven years later, in 1958, he walked into a Rebel camp in the Cuban Jungle to join the revolutionaries in their fight to overthrow the corrupt Cuban president, Fulgencio Batista. They were wary of the broad-shouldered, blond-haired, blue-eyed americano but Morgan's dedication and passion, his military skill and charisma, led him to become a chief comandante in Castro's army—he was the only foreigner to hold such a rank, with the exception of Che Guevera. Vicious battles in the jungles were followed by victorious revelry in the cities. Morgan married a Cuban beauty. He single-handedly thwarted the Dominican Republic's attempt to overthrow Castro. And he was chosen to work with Castro and other high ranking Rebels to improve the quality of life for all people. This man who had lived under the radar in America was now a Cuban hero on the watch lists of several governments, all of whom wondered whose side he was really on. It all ended in 1961, when, at age thirty-two, Morgan was executed by firing squad, at the hands of Fidel Castro. Journalist Aran Shetterly takes us back to an era when democracy could have flourished in Cuba. He interviewed Morgan's friends and family and former Cuban Rebels, and examined FBI and CIA documents in search of the truth. What emerged was the true story of a young man who had never fit in but finally found his place in the world by fighting another country's war.
Fidel Castro's revolution and its foreign policy extensions have been the source of much U.S.-Latin American policy frustration during the last 30 years. Not only the ideological tensions, but the almost global sweep of Cuba's national pretensions have consumed U.S. resources and political capital, and thrust a small island nation to the forefront of global intrigue and crisis. But as this volume shows, there are signs that Cuba's internationalism is now at a crossroads. Fauriol and Loser have gathered together a distinguished group of specialists on Cuba to review principal aspects of Cuba's international relations. Among the new dimensions discussed are shifts in Cuba's African policy, the residual political impact of Grenada, developments in Central America, the aftermath of the Ochoa narcotics episode, and perhaps most significantly, the degree of tension between Cuba and both Moscow and Washington, and leadership succession beyond Castro. A primary issue for Cuba, the authors show, will be its isolation within the Soviet bloc, and its refusal to address Gorbachev's challenges to the status quo. At the very least, Cuba risks becoming an irrelevant anachronism amidst the groundswell of change in the communist world. These and other issues are addressed in a major review of Cuba's position in the world 30 years after its revolution. "Cuba: The International Dimension "will be of interest to researchers and policy makers concerned with Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as those interested in changes in the Third World and communist countries worldwide. Contributors include: Jiri Valenta, Jaime Suchlicki, William Ratliff, Ernest Evans, Juan Benemelis, Gillian Gunn, Scott MacDonald, Michael J. Mazaar, Constantine Menges, Jorge F. Perez-Lopez, Jorge Sanguinetty, Paula J. Pettavino, and Juan M. del Aguila.