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Now in its 11th edition, Texas: The Lone Star State offers a balanced, scholarly overview of the second largest state in the United States, spanning from prehistory to the twenty-first century. Organized chronologically, this comprehensive survey introduces undergraduates to the varied history of Texas with an accessible narrative and over 100 illustrations and maps. This new edition broadens the discussion of postwar social and political dynamics within the state, including the development of key industries and changing demographics. Other new features include: New maps reflecting county by county results for the most recent presidential elections Expanded discussions on immigration and border security The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic in Texas and a look to the future Updated bibliographies to reflect the most recent scholarship This textbook is essential reading for students of American history.
Presents an outline of a period in Texas history that has left a deep impress upon the later history, the political organization and the public mind of Texans.
How the history of Texas illuminates America's post–Civil War past Tracing the intersection of religion, race, and power in Texas from Reconstruction through the rise of the Religious Right and the failed presidential bid of Governor Rick Perry, Rough Country illuminates American history since the Civil War in new ways, demonstrating that Texas's story is also America’s. In particular, Robert Wuthnow shows how distinctions between "us" and “them” are perpetuated and why they are so often shaped by religion and politics. Early settlers called Texas a rough country. Surviving there necessitated defining evil, fighting it, and building institutions in the hope of advancing civilization. Religion played a decisive role. Today, more evangelical Protestants live in Texas than in any other state. They have influenced every presidential election for fifty years, mobilized powerful efforts against abortion and same-sex marriage, and been a driving force in the Tea Party movement. And religion has always been complicated by race and ethnicity. Drawing from memoirs, newspapers, oral history, voting records, and surveys, Rough Country tells the stories of ordinary men and women who struggled with the conditions they faced, conformed to the customs they knew, and on occasion emerged as powerful national leaders. We see the lasting imprint of slavery, public executions, Jim Crow segregation, and resentment against the federal government. We also observe courageous efforts to care for the sick, combat lynching, provide for the poor, welcome new immigrants, and uphold liberty of conscience. A monumental and magisterial history, Rough Country is as much about the rest of America as it is about Texas.
This is a study of how paternal race relations in San Antonio contributed to the rise of accommodation-minded African American leaders whose successful manipulation of the political and ethnic divisions provided goods, services and sustained voting rights during a period when African Americans throughout the South had lost such privileges. The unique demography of Mexican-, German-, Anglo- and African Americans; a service based economy of hotels, restaurants and saloons; and campaigns by white civic leaders to make San Antonio the premier commercial and vacation center of the Southwest nurtured a political machine that intended "to keep blacks in their place". This resulted in an assortment of Jim Crow laws; restrictive employment opportunities; and segregated schools, parks, and municipal services; albeit without mob lynching and racial violence.This paternal brand of racism resulted in the rise of one of the most powerful black political bosses of his time, Charles Bellinger. Challenges fromconservative white reformers and disgruntled black civil rights advocates failed to dislodge the hold Bellinger's machine had on the black community and the city, until the Great Depression. By examining employment, education, politics, and socio-cultural activities that contributed to the city's unique race relations; the study takes a hard look at whether "separate but equal" ever become a reality in San Antonio.
In The American South: A History, Fifth Edition, William J. Cooper, Jr., Thomas E. Terrill, and Christopher Childers demonstrate their belief that it is impossible to divorce the history of the South from the history of the United States. The authors' analysis underscores the complex interaction between the South as a distinct region and the South as an inescapable part of America. Cooper and Terrill show how the resulting tension has often propelled section and nation toward collision. In supporting their thesis, the authors draw on the tremendous amount of profoundly new scholarship in Southern history. Each volume includes a substantial bibliographical essay—completely updated for this edition—which provides the reader with a guide to literature on the history of the South. This first volume also includes updated chapters, tables, preface, and prologue.
"This volume unifies the concerns of Civil War and western history, revealing how Confederate secession created new and shifting borderlands. In the West, both Civil War battlefields and Civil War politics engaged a wider range of ethnic and racial distinctions, raising questions that would arise only later in places farther east. Likewise, the histories of occupation, reincorporation, and expanded citizenship during Reconstruction in the South have ignored the connections to previous as well as subsequent efforts in the West. The stories contained in this volume complicate our understanding of the paths from slavery to freedom for white as well as non-white Americans. By placing the histories of the American West and the Civil War and Reconstruction into one sustained conversation, this volume expands the limits of both by emphasizing how struggles over land, labor, sovereignty, and citizenship shaped the U.S. nation-state in this tumultuous era. This volume highlights significant moments and common concerns of this continuous conflict, as it stretched across the continent and throughout the nineteenth century"--Provided by publisher.
Identified with Texas is the first published biography of Texas Governor Elisha Marshall Pease (1812-1883), presented by historian Elizabeth Whitlow as a dual biography of Pease and his wife, Lucadia Niles Pease (1813-1905). Born in Connecticut in 1812, E. M. Pease came to Texas in 1835, where he became, in his own words, “identified with Texas.” Pease volunteered to fight in the first battle of the Revolution at Gonzales, and he served with the Texan Army at the Siege of Bexar. Afterward, his career in public service began as a clerk at the Convention of 1836, and the first draft of the Republic’s Constitution is in his handwriting. Pease served in the first three state legislatures after Texas joined the Union in 1845, was elected governor in 1853 and re-elected in 1855, and returned to the governorship as an interim appointee from 1867 to 1869 during Reconstruction. His achievements in all these positions were substantial. Pease was also a highly successful and respected lawyer and a large landholder with properties in Travis and many other Texas counties. He owned slaves, but he did not take a strong proslavery position, and when secession came in 1861, he continued to support the Union. He and his family remained in Austin during the Civil War, and when it ended, he did his best to heal wounds and restore Texas to the United States in a second appointment as governor. Lucadia Niles Pease married Marshall Pease in 1850 and came to Texas as a newlywed. She was known as the Governor’s “Lady.” Moreover, her early, independent travel and her stated position as a “woman’s rights woman” in the 1850s, as well as her support for sending a daughter away to college in the 1870s to earn a degree, all serve as markers of her intelligence and the strength of her convictions. To tell their story, Whitlow mined thousands of letters and papers saved by the Pease family and housed in the Austin History Center of the Austin Public Library, as well as in the Governor’s Papers at the Texas State Library and Archives Commission. E. M. Pease observed near the end of his life that he had been “one of the people of Texas since the colonial days of Stephen F. Austin.” He and Lucadia left an extraordinary historical record that documents the development of Texas.
In The Scalawags, James Alex Baggett ambitiously uncovers the genesis of scalawag leaders throughout the former Confederacy. Using a collective biography approach, Baggett profiles 742 white southerners who supported Congressional Reconstruction and the Republican Party. He then compares and contrasts the scalawags with 666 redeemer-Democrats who opposed and eventually replaced them. Significantly, he analyzes this rich data by region -- the Upper South, the Southeast, and the Southwest -- as well as for the South as a whole. Baggett follows the life of each scalawag before, during, and after the war, revealing real personalities and not mere statistics. Examining such features as birthplace, vocation, estate, slaveholding status, education, political antecedents and experience, stand on secession, war record, and postwar political activities, he finds striking uniformity among scalawags. This is the first Southwide study of the scalawags, its scope and astounding wealth in quantity and quality of sources make it the definitive work on the subject.
In Texas, to hear the words “Duval County” evokes Archie and George Parr, politics, and corruption. But this does not represent the full truth about this South Texas county and its Tejano citizens. Duval County Tejanos accentuates the significance and meaning of place, showcasing Tejanos as historical actors, not bit players. This cultural region comprises la familia, las costumbres, la fe católica, y las comidas. And we must not leave out la política. Tejanos were engaged in community life: they organized politically, cultivated land, and promoted agriculture, livestock raising, the local economy, churches, schools, patriotic celebrations, and social activities. Americano newcomers sought to start and develop a trade economy, but Mexicanos wanted to make sure they held on to their land. The Civil War stunted economic and governmental development but did not prevent the population growing in numbers and diversity, including the arrival of Americanos in more significant numbers. Still, old-time pioneers and newcomers joined hands to build a faith community, develop schools, improve transportation, and bring commerce to serve their needs. In 1876 Duval County citizens formally petitioned Nueces County for the opportunity to organize themselves. When the railroad rolled into the county seat, San Diego, in 1879, their world changed forever. During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the Duval County economy exhibited vitality and adaptability—sheep and cattle raising and cotton farming anchored and sustained the local economy. Moreover, Texas land programs opened opportunities to previously landless Tejano farmers. Duval County Tejanos continued to be alarmed as Americanos were cementing their political influence out of proportion to their numbers. In the 1870s Tejanos pursued organized politics to attain fairness and acquire political power corresponding to their population. In the twentieth century the political atmosphere intensified as Tejanos pushed forward their agenda of assuming their proper role, consistent with their numbers. Ultimately, the Americano actors were replaced by new faces more willing to share in the power structure, both politically and economically, and Tejanos achieved political strength commensurate with their numbers.