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This book provides a better understanding of some of the central puzzles of empirical political science: how does “government” express will and purpose? How do political institutions come to have effective causal powers in the administration of policy and regulation? What accounts for both plasticity and perseverance of political institutions and practices? And how are we to formulate a better understanding of the persistence of dysfunctions in government and public administration – failures to achieve public goods, the persistence of self-dealing behavior by the actors of the state, and the apparent ubiquity of corruption even within otherwise high-functioning governments?
Looks at the ideas behind the Constitution, especially common assumptions about human behavior and psychology held by the framers. Surveys the philosophical journey which the framers and ratifiers of the Constitution made, from the original proposal to the final adoption, with chapters on problems of consent and representation, consent and the Constitution, the Federal Judiciary, the amendments, and the psychology of consent and its modern enemies. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR
Jason's awe-inspiring deep dive into how the grand jury operated for centuries, and is meant to operate today, earned him the title, "political archaeologist." Simply stated, he has uncovered the most powerful tool in government accountability which has been there all along. With amazing research and his easy-to-comprehend conversational style, Hoyt delivers a knock-out punch to deep state actors and swamp creatures all over America. Politicians and government bureaucrats alike fear the grand jury as a powerful yet misunderstood independent body of We The People. Be forewarned, though. The deep state doesn't want you to read this book! Do you know how a grand jury works? Do you know why the grand jury, as a powerful independent body of We The People, makes the deep state tremble with fear? If you haven't served on a grand jury and conducted your own research, it's likely you have no idea what it can do. Presiding judges and prosecutors are most definitely not going to tell you what you're able to accomplish. The grand jury's secret proceedings and powerful investigative functions have been kept from the public's eye for over a century, and there's a reason. For example, did you know your local grand jury can audit the government from top to bottom and force any elected official or government worker to testify about their operations? In the book, Hoyt reveals an often-missed paragraph in the Florida Grand Jury Instructions that discusses the most powerful word in the Constitution where a grand jury can open an investigation on their own initiative on any topic they choose. Imagine how your government would operate if they knew at any minute they could be called to testify before a grand jury about their operations. Imagine if the government feared the people, and not the other way around. Is there such a thing as "accountability" anymore? Unfortunately, we've been trained to think the only way We The People can hold our government accountable is by waiting for the next election. That's just not the case. In the book Hoyt explores true, real, and impactful consequences in government and how the most powerful word in the Constitution, sitting right there in the fifth amendment's grand jury clause, has been hijacked. The good news is the people still have the power to act as a sword and shield, protecting against wrongful accusations by government while reaching inside the government to root out corruption. The deep state bureaucracy is out of control, but not for long. Grand juries across the country are opening investigations, looking at evidence, and holding government officials accountable. In the book, you'll discover... ...How to restore government accountability. ...How the most powerful word in the Constitution was hijacked. ...How to reach inside the government and root out corruption. - What if every single move the government made was under the watchful eye of a grand jury with real, tangible, and immediate consequences? - What if We The People could operate on an official capacity outside the branches of government and provide our "consent of the governed" on a daily basis? - What if an independent grand jury, acting on its own initiative, could reach inside our government and root out corruption with indictments? - What if the Supreme Court, as recent as 1992, said the grand jury, "...belongs to no branch of the institutional government, serving as a kind of buffer or referee between the government and the people?" - What if one of the most powerful tools to check and balance the government was already protected by the Constitution? Fortunately, Hoyt isn't proposing a new idea. Like a political archaeologist, he has uncovered what has been there all along and has worked for 800 years. The bottom line: the grand jury is feared by the deep state, establishment politicians, and the entrenched Washington, D.C. bureaucratic swamp. Read CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED to find out why!
Governments across the globe have begun evolving from lumbering bureaucracies into smaller, more agile special jurisdictions - common-interest developments, special economic zones, and proprietary cites. Private providers increasingly deliver services that political authorities formerly monopolized, inspiring greater competition and efficiency, to the satisfaction of citizens-qua-consumers. These trends suggest that new networks of special jurisdictions will soon surpass nation states in the same way that networked computers replaced mainframes. In this groundbreaking work, Tom W. Bell describes the quiet revolution transforming governments from the bottom up, inside-out, worldwide, and how it will fulfill its potential to bring more freedom, peace, and prosperity to people everywhere.
In this second installment of The Wilson Files, we collect some of Dr. Wilson's most sagacious writings on the topic of nullification and the unenumerated rights reserved to the several sovereign States that comprise the confederation known as the United States of America. For half a century historian Clyde Wilson has been writing about what he calls "our lost and stolen heritage of states' rights." As Dr. Donald Livingston, founder of the Abbeville Institute, has remarked of current devolutionary strategies, "Clyde Wilson had been plowing the ground long before any of us came to plant." Excerpts from Nullification: Reclaiming the Consent of the Governed: "The cause of states' rights is the cause of liberty; they rise or fall together. . . . We know the problems. Where should we look for solutions? . . . . Thomas Jefferson gives us the answer: our most ancient and best tradition, states' rights: 'the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies' . . . . Some of the Founders hoped that the division of legislative, executive, and judicial power in the general government would help. . . . these checks and balances do not work. They ceased to work a long time ago. There is no serious conflict of power among the federal branches. The acts of all of them are directed toward checking the people of the States. . . . States' rights are historically sound, constitutionally sound, ethically sound, and sound from the point of view of democracy. Where they fall short is simply in the realm of political will and agenda. . . . if we are to speak of curbing the central power, the States are what we have got. They exist. They are historical, political, cultural realities, the indestructible bottom line of the American system. It would be a shame if, in this world-historical time of devolution, Americans did not look back to an ancient and honourable tradition that lies readily at hand."
Democratic governments are able to elicit, legally and legitimately, both money and men from their populations. Certainly there is tax evasion, draft evasion, and even outright resistance; yet to a remarkable extent citizens acquiesce and even actively consent to the demands of governments, well beyond the point explicable by coercion. This is a puzzle for social scientists, particularly those who believe that individuals are self-interested, rational actors who calculate only the private egoistic costs and benefits of possible choices. The provisions of collective good should never justify a quasi-voluntary tax payment and the benefits of a war could not possibly exceed the cost of dying. This book explains the institutionalization of policy in response to anticipated and actual citizen behaviour and the conditions under which citizens give, refuse and withdraw their consent. Professor Levi claims that citizens' consent is contingent upon the perceived fairness of both the government and of other citizens. Most citizens of democracies, most of the time, are more likely to give their consent if they believe that government actors and other citizens are behaving fairly toward them.