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As the 16th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (October 1st, 2002) draws near, China watchers in Washington, Tokyo, Taipei and many other places have their eyes intently fixed on the political scene in Beijing. Most are predicting problems involved in the transition process as well as speculating on the final leadership line-up. Nevertheless, such speculation is intellectually rather futile. To avoid being too speculative, the contributors to this study have focused instead on two key aspects of China's leadership transition: first, changes in the politics of leadership transition, and second, real and potential problems and challenges that China's younger, fourth generation leaders have to grapple when they take over.
Xenakis examines the responses of Soviet experts in American academia—primarily political scientists, but also economists and defense scholars who specialized in the USSR—to the unfolding evidence of Soviet reform during the 1970s and 1980s and to its ultimate collapse. He concludes that American Sovietologists and other political scientists were more responsive to the Cold War consensus—to the needs of the State Department, Defense, and CIA policy makers and to the official Washington line of the moment—than to the changing face of the Soviet Union. As Xenakis makes clear, many of the Cold War ideas and attitudes shared by Sovietologists—the notion that the USSR was an evil empire; the idea that Soviet society was irredeemably xenophobic and indolent; that the Soviet political and economic system could not be fixed or reformed; and the view that the best way for Washington to deal with Moscow's influence was to contain the USSR through arms races, global, and proxy wars—were reminiscent of the policies and arguments of the Truman and Eisenhower administrations, not to the facts on the ground in the 1970s and 1980s. An important work for scholars, students, and researchers involved with Soviet and Russian studies, international political and military affairs, intellectual history, and the relationship between academia and the government.
Political executives have been at the centre of public and scholarly attention long before the inception of modern political science. In the contemporary world, political executives have come to dominate the political stage in many democratic and autocratic regimes. The Oxford Handbook of Political Executives marks the definitive reference work in this field. Edited and written by a team of word-class scholars, it combines substantive stocktaking with setting new agendas for the next generation of political executive research.
This work offers new ways of conceptualizing the decision-making paradigm of the Soviet party-state that was defined by the persistent shortage of qualified manpower that afflicted the Russian elite. The traditional Russian problems of under administration, combined with the unique features of the Soviet political system, resulted in a dichotomy between practical and ideological demands. The WWII era, examined in this book, provides a microcosm of pressures facing the Kremlin and illustrates the cyclical nature of policy formation forced on it by the paradoxes of the system. As the party’s responsibilities expanded into specialized economic and military areas, political experts increasingly depended on the specialized professionals. These trends grew increased drastically during the war. An unexpected consequence of the party’s expansion into economic or military professions was the discovery that cooptation worked both ways and many party members become managers rather than ideological overseers. Throughout the existential crisis of the system—the war and its aftermath—the party would find itself in a fundamental conflict over its identity, challenged over its role both vis-a-vis the state and its own priorities. After an abortive attempt to reverse the wartime trends, a new paradigm was articulated by the party during the last five years of Stalin's reign. This resulted in the emergence of a new elite consensus which envisioned the party as integral and invasive economic actor. This shift in the party’s identity was the price of maintaining centralized political power and came at the expense of the focus on ideological purity. In the long term, however, the diminished role of ideology robbed the party of its core value system and steadily eroded its legitimizing and self-energizing power. Over time, the new consensus would undermine the very foundations of the party-state construct. Yet if the USSR was to survive as a modern, industrialized state, the accommodation with the technocrats was necessary. The contradiction between ideological and pragmatic aims was inherent to the system, and demanded an eventual choice between the long-term health of the state and that of the party.
This bibliography, first published in 1957, provides citations to North American academic literature on Europe, Central Europe, the Balkans, the Baltic States and the former Soviet Union. Organised by discipline, it covers the arts, humanities, social sciences, life sciences and technology.
This final volume in Manuel Castells' trilogy, with a substantialnew preface, is devoted to processes of global social changeinduced by the transition from the old industrial society to theemerging global network society. Explains why China, rather than Japan, is the economic andpolitical actor that is revolutionizing the global system Reflects on the contradictions of European unification,proposing the concept of the network state Substantial new preface assesses the validity of thetheoretical construction presented in the conclusion of thetrilogy, proposing some conceptual modifications in light of theobserved experience
Kazakhstan is the largest state in Central Asia. Rich in oil, gas and other natural resources and sandwiched between China and Russia it occupies a key geopolitical position, the importance of which was further heightened following the attacks of 9/11 and subsequent wars in the wider Middle East. But Kazakhstan was born by default, gaining independence only reluctantly as the Soviet Union collapsed. Its political elite, facing complex tasks of state-building, also lacked a monoethnic base on which to build its legitimacy. Based on original material and extensive interviews in the capital and three of the country's regions, the book places the elite in the country's broader institutional and historical context, analysing their identity, behaviour and how they gained and secured power in the early independence years. Kazakhstan: Power and the Elite is essential reading for all those interested in the history, politics and international relations of this fascinating country.