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Discusses George Jr.'s brothers' roles in the war. Says the Americans under Nathaniel Greene are fighting bravely, but are overmatched by the British, who seem intent on taking Virginia. Cornwallis and his men have just arrived in Virginia to support Benedict Arnold's troops. Discusses the forces of Lafayette and Wayne in Pennsylvania. Hopes that a French fleet will soon arrive, but doubts this will happen. Says that most Virginians support the revolution and the alliance with the French. Many Virginians grow uneasy, & restless, & begin to think that our Allies are spinning out the War, in order to weaken America, as well as Great Britain, and thereby leave us, at the End of it, as dependent as possible upon themselves. Knows this is not true, but understands why poorer men feel this way. He does not doubt France's commitment to the war, but wishes they would send more troops. Believes France surely intends the Separation of these States for ever from Great Britain; but by drawing out the thread too fine, & long, it may unexpectedly break in her Hands. Letter is a Triplicate. George Mason was actually George Mason IV, and George Mason Jr. was George Mason V.
George Mason was a short, bookish man who was a friend and neighbor of athletic, broad-shouldered George Washington. Unlike Washington, Mason has been virtually forgotton by history. But this new biography of forgotten patriot George Mason makes a convincing case that Mason belongs in the pantheon of honored Founding Fathers. Trained in the law, Mason was also a farmer, philosopher, botanist, and musician. He was one of the architects of the Declaration of Independence, an author of the Bill of Rights, and one of the strongest proponents of religious liberty in American history. In fact, both Thomas Jefferson and James Madison may have been given undue credit for George Mason's own contributions to American democracy.
George Mason (1725-92) is often omitted from the small circle of founding fathers celebrated today, but in his service to America he was, in the words of Thomas Jefferson, "of the first order of greatness." Jeff Broadwater provides a comprehensive account of Mason's life at the center of the momentous events of eighteenth-century America. Mason played a key role in the Stamp Act Crisis, the American Revolution, and the drafting of Virginia's first state constitution. He is perhaps best known as author of the Virginia Declaration of Rights, a document often hailed as the model for the Bill of Rights. As a Virginia delegate to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, Mason influenced the emerging Constitution on point after point. Yet when he was rebuffed in his efforts to add a bill of rights and concluded the document did too little to protect the interests of the South, he refused to sign the final draft. Broadwater argues that Mason's recalcitrance was not the act of an isolated dissenter; rather, it emerged from the ideology of the American Revolution. Mason's concerns about the abuse of political power, Broadwater shows, went to the essence of the American experience.
George Mason of Gunston Hall was a scholarly craftsman of government during America's crucial formative years. His Virginia Declaration of Rights provided a sense of purpose and direction to the rebellious colonies, and his vigorous insistence on the protection of personal liberties in the Constitution is reflected in the document's first ten amendments, the Bill of Rights. Fellow Virginian Thomas Jefferson said of Mason that he "was of the first order of greatness." Few Americans who have served their country, however, have met with as little recognition. Essentially a private person who cared nothing for political prestige, Mason had been overshadowed by the other founders of the Republic -- although most of them had turned to him for advice and direction. In a concise, cogently written biography, a distinguished historian restores the "reluctant statesman" to his proper place in the pantheon of America's greatest citizens.
A biography of George Mason, author of the Virginia Declaration of Rights, which was a model for the Bill of Rights of the United States Constitution, and member of a group that provided much of the structure for the independence movement and, later, the Constitution.
Americans are justly proud of their tradition of representative government. In fact, America's is the longest continuous representative government in existence. Ironically, it may be that, because of the two hundred uninterrupted years of the republic's existence, we take it for granted that we view its continuation as guaranteed. Although our republic has endured for more than two hundred years, it has not always existed in its present "form," it has not always represented many people who now routinely view its protections and guarantees as birthrights. The unlanded masses, women, blacks and other minorities, all were for a great part of our history not represented in the American body politic. Now all of these groups, at least legally speaking, are full participants in the body politic and in the public affairs of this country. This volume examines the development of the American notion of popular sovereignty from its colonial and revolutionary origins, from the days of its severely restricted meaning through its progress toward inclusion of more of "the people." Four distinguished commentators examine the social and political developments that have accompanied the growth and expansion of "the will of the people."