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Just a few years ago, most Russian citizens did not recognize the notion of domestic violence or acknowledge that such a problem existed. Today, after years of local and international pressure to combat violence against women, things have changed dramatically. Gender Violence in Russia examines why and how this shift occurred—and why there has been no similar reform on other gender violence issues such as rape, sexual assault, or human trafficking. Drawing on more than a decade of research, Janet Elise Johnson analyzes media coverage and survey data to explain why some interventions succeed while others fail. She describes the local-global dynamics between a range of international actors, from feminist activists to national governments, and an equally diverse set of Russian organizations and institutions.
This book looks at Russian women’s mobilization and agency during the two periods of transformation, the turn of the 19th-20th century and the 20th – 21st century. Bringing together the parallels between the two great transformations, it focuses on both the continuities and breaks and, importantly, it shows them from the grassroots point of view, emphasizing the local factor. Chapters show the international and transnational aspects of Russian women’s agency of different spheres and different historical periods. The book goes on to raise new research questions such as the evaluation and comparison of Soviet society and contemporary Russia from the point of view of gender and women’s possibilities in society.
Julie Hemment's engrossing study traces the development encounter through interactions between international foundations and Russian women's groups during a decade of national collapse. Prohibited from organizing independently under state socialism, women's groups became a focus of attention in the mid-1990s for foundations eager to promote participatory democracy, but the version of civil society that has emerged (the "third sector") is far from what Russian activists envisioned and what donor agencies promised. Drawing on ethnographic methods and Participatory Action Research, Hemment tells the story of her introduction to and growing collaboration with members of the group Zhenskii Svet (Women's Light) in the provincial city of Tver'.
"This collection of essays examines the lives of women across Russia--from wealthy noblewomen in St Petersburg to desperately poor peasants in Siberia--discussing their interaction with the Church and the law, and their rich contribution to music, art, literature and theatre. It shows how women struggled for greater autonomy and, both individually and collectively, developed a dynamic presence in Russia's culture and society"--Publisher's description.
Reports from war zones often note the obscene victimization of women, who are frequently raped, tortured, beaten, and pressed into sexual servitude. Yet this reign of terror against women not only occurs during exceptional moments of social collapse, but during peacetime too. As this powerful book argues, violence against women should be understood as a systemic problem—one for which the state must be held accountable. The twelve essays in Gender Violence in Peace and War present a continuum of cases where the state enables violence against women—from state-sponsored torture to lax prosecution of sexual assault. Some contributors uncover buried histories of state violence against women throughout the twentieth century, in locations as diverse as Ireland, Indonesia, and Guatemala. Others spotlight ongoing struggles to define the state’s role in preventing gendered violence, from domestic abuse policies in the Russian Federation to anti-trafficking laws in the United States. Bringing together cutting-edge research from political science, history, gender studies, anthropology, and legal studies, this collection offers a comparative analysis of how the state facilitates, legitimates, and perpetuates gender violence worldwide. The contributors also offer vital insights into how states might adequately protect women’s rights in peacetime, as well as how to intervene when a state declares war on its female citizens.
Gender-based violence can take various forms - physical, sexual, psychological, and economic. Violence against women is a global public health problem and not only violates human rights, but also hampers productivity, reduces human capital, and undermines economic growth. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, human trafficking for sexual exploitation and domestic violence have become a significant problem in post-communist countries. The fall of the Soviet Union also shaped national gender policies in post-communist countries. Despite the common challenges they face, success in implementing anti-trafficking procedures and measures against domestic violence varies from country to country. According to the U.S. Department of State annual reports, Russia has been recognized as a country with an extremely low level of government effort to eliminate human trafficking since 2005. In June 2013, Russia was downgraded to the lowest possible Tier 3 ranking, which means that it might be subjected to certain sanctions. Russia is identified as a country of origin, transit, and destination for both victims of sex and labor trafficking. On the contrary, the Czech Republic has been ranked in Tier 1 before 2011 and again for three years in a row since 2012 which is a rare high ranking for a former post-communist country. Annually over fourteen thousand women in Russia are murdered by their current or former intimate partners. It literally means that every two hours three women in Russia die because of domestic violence. Despite alarming statistics, federal legislation to combat domestic violence is lacking in Russia. In a contrast, the Czech government introduced a comprehensive multilevel mechanism of protection of victims of domestic violence. Through comparison of policies against human trafficking and domestic violence in Russia and the Czech Republic, I attempt to evaluate recognition of gender-based violence and a strategy for fighting it in selected countries.
This book explores the lives and expectations of young women in the new Russia, looking at the enormous changes that the new social and economic environment have brought. The authors draw on the growing literature on gender and generation in the West which has arisen as a result of the recognition that the experience of youth is classed, raced and gendered and that the experience of gender is mediated by class, race, ethnicity, sexuality and age. They consider the role of the media, state and social institutions in shaping opportunities and experiences in the post-Soviet environment, focusing on the strategies employed by individual women to reforge social identities in a society in which they have been dislocated more acutely than in any other `postmodern' society.
My dissertation examines the Russian state's response to sexual and domestic violence and the women's movements that have arisen to challenge both the state's inaction and the violence itself. My project is grounded in a 1999, eight-month research trip to Moscow and the provincial cities of Saratov and Orel, Russia, where I gathered data through participant observation. Transition theory argues that the liberalization of institutions and practices holds great promise for all people, including women, who may not be immediately incorporated as equal citizens but will have the political opportunity to fight for their inclusion. In contrast, feminist democratic theory finds that democratic liberalism, notably through its distinction between public and private spheres, institutionalizes its own obstacles to women's inclusion. Bridging these two theories, I use the issues of violence specific to women--woman battery, familiar rape, and sexual harassment--to examine the obstacles and opportunities for women created in postcommunism. I find that while the transition has created some political opportunity for women's movements, its greater impact has been the privatization of these forms of violence against women as outside the responsibility of the criminal-legal system. While there are policies that promise to protect (male-)citizens from violence in general, there are only limited promises for the violence that is specific to women. As the right to live free from bodily harm is both fundamental and necessary for political participation, the transition threatens to institutionalize the exclusion of women. As part of the growing body of literature on the Russian transition, my project injects a necessary concern for the role of activism, especially women's activism, in democratization and challenges transition theory to move beyond baseline procedures of democracy to take account of the inclusion and exclusion of citizens. Russia's transition from institutions antithetical to liberal democracy to those more democratic is a "natural experiment" that can highlight how democratic institutions facilitate and obstruct the citizenship of women.
This collection of essays, all by Russian scholars, is the first of its kind to address a broad English-speaking audience. It presents the theories and methodologies employed by Russian national historiography to make sense of Russian gender and women's history. The essays in this volume discuss women's and gender history in Russia, highlighting sensitive areas in the Russian academic community and in Russian society in general. The book appears in the context of an intense backlash against t...