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The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA) is an economic partnership pact negotiated by 12 countries in three continents, namely Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, United States and Vietnam. The TPPA has evolved into the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), when the United States pulled out from the multilateral free trade deal in 2018. Malaysia began negotiations on the TPPA in August 2010, and participated as a full negotiating member from October 2010 onwards. The TPPA itself was based on the United States-Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS), which was completed in 2011. This agreement provided a benchmark to decide and evaluate on several issues in the CPTPP. The overall intent of the CPTPP is a simple one: it is to extend non-discriminatory practices to all CPTPP members. This does not mean that regulations and restrictions will not exist— that such regulations will apply equally to Malaysian and non-Malaysian CPTPP members. Contentious issues in the CPTPP will be analyse and discuss in this book. Is the Malaysian economy ready for the CPTPP rules especially in the financial and capital markets? To what extent that Bank Negara’s ability to retain their power to intervene when either the balance of payments or the currency is felt to be under threat with CPTPP? What are the impacts of CPTPP to the real economic side of the Malaysian economy? Will national rights are being relinquished under CPTPP? How about the concern over investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS)? This book will address these issues in an objective and rational manner.
The victory of the Pakatan Harapan (PH), or the Alliance of Hope on May 9, 2018 in the Malaysian 14th General Election (GE14) was not just stunning, but historic. Moreover, the second comeback of Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad as the seventh Prime Minister of Malaysia was indeed impressive. The results of the GE14 were clearly against the tide as many political pundits and analysts had predicted a win for the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition with differences only in matters of margins. Similar to Malaysia’s 13th General Election (GE13), which was held on May 5, 2013, the main issue in the GE14 was also about the economy. The rise in cost of living was perhaps the mother of all issues which caused the downfall of the BN government for the first time since independence. Other crucial economic issues centered on alleged corruption practices and manifested through the 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) saga. As a new federal power for 22 months, the PH government had a daunting task not just to address economic issues mentioned above, but also the other alleged economic problems which they had highlighted in their election manifesto. On top of that, the PH government had the responsibility to maintain, if not to improve further what the BN government had done to the Malaysian economy in the past, of which World Bank economists described as a success story, “a very strong economy” and “growing towards a high-income.” Post-GE14, what is the state of the Malaysian economy and its direction? What are lessons that can be learned from the PH economic management? And with the Perikatan Nasional (PN) government succeeding the federal power in March 2020 in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic, what are the pressing issues and what needs to be done moving forward especially in the context of the economic challenges arising from the pandemic and post-Covid-19 era? These are some critical questions which this book is trying to address. The book essentially argues for the need to give greater focus to economic issues above anything else by envisioning a new national vision and engineering a new wave of economic structural reforms primarily based on insights from the vast Malaysian economic history lessons
Signed by 52 African countries, the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is, by the number of participating countries, the largest trade agreement since the formation of the WTO. This report recognizes that it is not enough for the AfCFTA to be merely negotiated, concluded and ratified. It must also change lives, reduce poverty and contribute to economic development. For this, the AfCFTA must be effectively operationalized, but also supported with complementary measures that leverage it as a vehicle for economic development. Among the most important of the next steps is the phase II negotiations scheduled to commence on intellectual property rights, investment and competition policy in late 2019.
New technologies present governments with opportunities and challenges in a range of key policy areas such as employment, competitiveness, equity, and sustainability. A consensus is that the national government can play an important role in stimulating innovation. This report explores policy options to facilitate Indonesia's technological transformation and unlock its economic growth potential.
In this paper the authors propose a visionary but actionable global strategy for revitalizing, adapting, and defending the rules- based international system. The strategy sets forth three key pillars: First, the authors call for a renewed effort to rally democratic states—not just those of the transatlantic alliance, but also democracies across Asia, Africa, and Latin America—to work together to defend and advance the common values that unite them. At the same time, the authors argue that these states must engage the autocratic great powers, including China and Russia, to seek their support for those elements of the rules-based system on which their interests and those of the democratic states align. Second, the international system must be significantly adapted and redesigned to address existing shortcomings and to reflect new realities. To this end, the authors propose several new institutions designed for the needs and challenges of today’s world. Finally, this revitalized and adapted system must be defended. The authors argue for a more systematic approach to monitoring and incentivizing compliance with core rules, to defending democracy against autocratic backsliding and interference, and to confronting the dangers posed by revisionist powers, nuclear proliferation, terrorism, disruptive technology, and other global threats.
Verico discusses the ASEAN economic integration from dual perspectives of time span (trade, investment and finance) and framework (bilateral, sub-regional, regional and regional plus). The work is a comprehensive study of the integration in the wake of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC)’s inauguration in late 2015. Examining various economic agreement levels from the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), Bilateral Free Trade Agreement (BFTA) and the AEC to financial integration in ASEAN, Verico attempts to envisage the future of ASEAN in completing its regional economic integration from trade to investment and finance. Verico argues that, in the absence of a customs union, ASEAN must utilize the open-regionalism frameworks of the ASEAN Plus One, ASEAN Plus Three, Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and others in order to shift its economic integration level in this way.
The first 50 years of ASEAN integration has brought peace and prosperity to the Southeast Asian region, while the next 50 will undoubtedly be fraught with unprecedented challenges. Today ASEAN not only has to contend with its own internal challenges arising from the highly diverse political, economic and socio-cultural systems of its member countries, it also has to deal with external factors which include shifts in geostrategic balance, fraying global consensus on free trade, populism and xenophobia, climate change, digital revolutions and cybercrimes. Set against the above background, this edited collection considers some of the contemporary issues and challenges faced by ASEAN in its journey towards more cohesive and dynamic regional integration. Among the topics explored are ASEAN’s evolving partnerships with its key strategic partners including China and the United States on economic policies and strategies, educational systems and frameworks, migration and environmental threats.
Technology offsets, a nonconventional international trade-financing tool, is used by governments (buyers) to obtain industrial and technological benefits from companies (sellers) as part of international procurement. Offsets deals involve billions of dollars and this practice exists in around 80 countries around the world. Though offsets is a popular practice in defence, it is increasingly gaining popularity in civil sectors. Offsets is often tainted by controversy and receives bad press. What then makes offsets popular? Governments claim that offsets delivers technology and knowledge transfer, skills in high technology sectors and employment, and offsets expands export opportunities through participation in OEM supply chains. For companies, offsets is mainly employed as a tool to obtain a competitive edge and win sales in international business. In the past, there have been mixed results of case studies on the impact of offsets successes and failures. Considering the mismanagement of globalisation, unfair trade agreements and current political and economic discontent, there is a stronger need for governments and companies to use vehicles such as offsets to create a relationship of trust and commitment for sustainable development. This book fills the gap in offsets and focuses on how to manage offsets more effectively by addressing issues of strategy, policy and implementation, technology management, governance and risk. Technology Offsets in International Defence Procurement is designed for those studying international procurement, international trade, international business, technology management, defence policy and industrial policy. This book will also be of interest to practitioners and policy makers in both government and industry.
Innovation in information and production technologies is generating both benefits and disruption, rapidly altering how firms and markets perform as a basic level. Digital DNA is an engaging examination of the opportunities, challenges, and ways that countries and the international community can govern developments for broad benefit.
Pandemic Economics applies economic theory to the Covid-19 era, exploring the micro and macro dimensions of the pre-pandemic, pandemic, and post-pandemic phases. Using core economic tools such as marginal analysis, cost-benefit analysis, and opportunity cost, this book explores the breadth of economic outcomes from the pandemic. It shows that a tradeoff between public health and economic health led to widespread problems, including virus infections and unemployment. Taking an international and comparative approach, the book shows that because countries implemented different economic policies, interventions, and timelines during the crisis, outcomes varied with respect to the extent of recession, process of recovery, availability of medical equipment, public health, and additional waves of the virus. Pedagogical features are weaved throughout the text, including country case studies, key terms, suggested further reading, and discussion questions for solo or group study. On top of this, the book offers online supplements comprising PowerPoint slides, test questions, extra case studies, and an instructor guide. This textbook will be a valuable resource for advanced undergraduate and postgraduate courses on pandemic economics, macroeconomics, health economics, public policy, and related areas.