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A compilation of concise biographical data on some 1,400 Black public officials of the Reconstruction era (1865-1877). Foner draws on growing research in this area to portray the diversity of these lawmakers' life experience, and to dispel dogged myths as to their fitness for office. An ample (21 p.) introduction provides an overview; five indexes offer access by state, occupation, birth status (free or slave), office held, and topic. Over 100 photographs (bandw), and 16 tables enhance this valuable document. Annotation copyright by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR
The Congressional Record is the official record of the proceedings and debates of the United States Congress. It is published daily when Congress is in session. The Congressional Record began publication in 1873. Debates for sessions prior to 1873 are recorded in The Debates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United States (1789-1824), the Register of Debates in Congress (1824-1837), and the Congressional Globe (1833-1873)
Not Free America is a call to all Americans to take back our constitutional freedoms and break free of “our abusive relationship with our government.” Mike Donovan’s groundbreaking work on behalf of personal liberties has made him an object of fascination on both the Right and the Left. In this groundbreaking book, Mike Donovan, the CEO of Nexus Services, calls out the elites who wield power in our country—not only the elites at the federal level, but the elites who exert control over us in our states and counties, our cities and towns. Not Free America is a passionate call to all freedom-loving Americans to take back our constitutional freedoms and break free of what he calls “our abusive relationship with our government.” Donovan details how the “wholesale shredding of the Bill of Rights” started long before the concurrent crises of Covid-19 and the protests and violence that followed the murder of George Floyd. Not Free America shows us how those events were used by forces in our local, state, and federal governments that had systematically been abridging our rights for decades. These rights, Mike reminds us, are God-given rights guaranteed to us by the Constitution, the Bill of Rights and the Fourteenth Amendment. As the pastor of the First Christian Church Universalist in Harrisonburg, Virginia, Mike Donovan is far from your quiet country clergyman. A fierce warrior with the spirit of God and the tough skin of a lawyer, he has dedicated his life to protecting liberty and preserving individual rights, serving the underserved, and ministering to those who are overlooked in our broken society. Indeed, there are aspects to his past and present that make him an easy target for judgment from all directions. But Mike Donovan hides from nothing: He openly embraces the faults of his past and dedicates his present to creating a future that helps others move past their own unfortunate pasts. Born to a poor family in Page County, Virginia, he found himself at a young age convicted of writing bad checks, resulting in multiple felonies for which he served seven months in the county jail. But the time he served didn’t break him; it helped make him the man he is today: a man of the law and a man of God who believes with all his heart and soul in the possibility of redemption and the power of moving beyond past mistakes. He also came out of that experience knowing he needed to make a difference for others who found themselves in the same place he’d just been. Not content to talk the talk, Mike Donovan walks the walk in the footsteps of the Jesus who said “I was in prison and you came to visit me . . . Whatever you do for the least of these, you do for me.” Not Free America shows us how to do all that for America and for our children. The book ends with “The Liberty Pledge”: an agreement readers will make stating that they will vote only for lawmakers who agree to uphold the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Bill of Rights and the Fourteenth Amendment.
This book analyses how arbitrators make rules that guide, constrain, and define the process and substance of international arbitration. Providing a thorough and multidisciplinary analysis of the actors, process, and outcome of arbitral lawmaking, the study shows how arbitrators create principles of law through consistent arbitral decision-making and through interacting with other members of the arbitral community. This book investigates and responds to the following questions: - What is the relationship between international arbitration and the law and courts of the seat? - What is the role of international tribunals in assisting and controlling investment arbitration? - What is the scope of arbitrators’ freedom in decision-making? - What constraints limit arbitrators’ decision-making and contribute to consistency? - Is international arbitration capable of paying deference to past arbitral decisions? - Which rules have arbitrators created in procedural and substantive matters? - What is the role and status of consistent arbitral decisions? - Is there an arbitral legal system? The answers to these questions are drawn from actual arbitral decisions made available to the public, clarifying important issues about jurisdiction, procedure, applicable law, interpretation of substantive rules and instruments, and remedies. This is the first overarching study of whether and to what extent international commercial, and investment arbitrators create norms and even generate a legal system. As such, it will be of immeasurable and lasting value to arbitrators, practitioners, scholars, arbitral institutions, and international organizations worldwide, for all of whom it will not only clarify our understanding of arbitral decision-making and arbitrator-made rules, but also foster transparency and accountability in arbitral decision-making
First published in September 1992, the book traces the nature and development of the fundamental legal relationships among slaves, masters, and third parties. It shows how the colonial and antebellum Southern judges and legislators accommodated slavery’s social relationships into the common law, and how slave law evolved in different states over time in response to social political, economic, and intellectual developments. The book states that the law of slavery in the US South treated slaves both as people and property. It reconciles this apparent contradiction by demonstrating that slaves were defined in the law as items of human property without any legal rights. When the lawmakers recognized slaves as people, they burdened slaves with added legal duties and disabilities. This epitomized in legal terms slavery’s oppressive social relationships. The book also illustrates how cases in which the lawmakers recognized slaves as people legitimized slavery’s inhumanity. References in the law to the legal humanity of people held as slaves are shown to be rhetorical devices and cruel ironies that regulated the relative rights of the slaves’ owners and other free people that were embodied in people held as slaves. Thus, it is argued that it never makes sense to think of slave legal rights. This was so even when the lawmakers regulated the individual masters’ rights to treat their slaves as they wished. These regulations advanced policies that the lawmakers perceived to be in the public interest within the context of a slave society.
Examines the Bill of Rights and the first ten amendments to the Bill of Rights.
This study ranks the American states according to how their public policies affect individual freedoms in the economic, social, and personal spheres. Updating, expanding, and improving upon the three previous editions of Freedom in the 50 States, the 2016 edition examines state and local government intervention across a wide range of policy categories -- from tax burdens to court systems, from eminent domain laws to occupational licensing, and from homeschooling regulation to drug policy. Freedom in the 50 States remains the only index that measures both economic and personal freedoms.
Which branch of government should be entrusted with safeguarding individual rights? Conventional wisdom assigns this responsibility to the courts, on the grounds that liberty can only be protected through judicial interpretation of bills of rights. In fact it is difficult for many people even to conceive of any other way that rights might be protected. John Dinan challenges this understanding by tracing and evaluating the different methods that have been used to protect rights in the United States from the founding until the present era. By analyzing the relative ability of legislators, citizens, and judges to serve as guardians of rights, Dinan's study demonstrates that each is capable of securing certain rights in certain situations.
We generally suppose that it is our right to freedom which allows us to make the choices that shape our lives. The right to have an abortion is called "freedom of choice" because, it is said, a woman should be free to choose between giving birth and not doing so. Freedom of speech protects us whether we want to salute the flag or burn it. There is a correlative principle: one choice is as good as another. Freedom is not a right that makes moral judgments. It lets us do what we want. John Garvey disputes both propositions. We should understand freedom, he maintains, as a right to act, not a right to choose; and furthermore, we should view freedom as a right to engage in actions that are good and valuable. This may seem obvious, but it inverts a central principle of liberalism--the idea that the right is prior to the good. Thus friendship is a good thing; and one reason the Constitution protects freedom of association is that it gives us the space to form friendships. This book casts doubt on the idea that freedoms are bilateral rights that allow us to make contradictory choices: to speak or remain silent, to believe in God or to disbelieve, to abort or to give birth to a child. Garvey argues that the goodness of childbearing does not entail the goodness of abortion; and if freedom follows from the good, then freedom to do the first does not entail the freedom to do the second. Each action must have its own justification. Garvey holds that if the law is to protect freedoms, it is permissible--indeed it is necessary--to make judgments about the goodness and badness of actions. The author's keen insights into important rights issues, communicated with verve and a variety of both real and hypothetical cases, will be of interest to all who care about the meaning of freedoms.
A compilation of concise biographical data on some 1,400 Black public officials of the Reconstruction era (1865-1877). Foner draws on growing research in this area to portray the diversity of these lawmakers' life experience, and to dispel dogged myths as to their fitness for office. An ample (21 p.) introduction provides an overview; five indexes offer access by state, occupation, birth status (free or slave), office held, and topic. Over 100 photographs (bandw), and 16 tables enhance this valuable document. Annotation copyright by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR