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This title was first published in 2000: This work examines the hemispheric diplomacy after the Summits of the America in Miami (December 1994) and Santiago (April 1998), focusing on the strengthening of the South American position in the FTAA negotiations and the Brazilian proposal for a South American Free Trade Area (SAFTA). The book also looks at the implications of the preceding analysis for regional integration theory and international relations theory. The conclusion looks beyond "open regionalism" and considers three scenarios for US-South American relations after the Santiago Summit. First reassertion of US hegemony and signing of an FTAA agreement on schedule, second, erosion of US hegemony but continuing negotiations between North and South America for a "distant" FTAA, and finally, breakdown of the FTAA negotations and emergence of SAFTA as an alternative to the FTAA.
The face of international trade is continuing to change rapidly. But while much attention is focused on where, post-Cancun, any new international negotiations under the auspices of the WTO may go, there are other developments of potentially equal importance. The United States, in particular, is prioritizing new regional trade agreements. This book focuses on the most ambitious of these negotiations -- the Free Trade Area of the Americas Agreement, which is due to be completed in 2005. This US initiative aims to replicate the NAFTA Agreement (which has bound the US, Canada and Mexico into a free trade area since 1994) across all 34 countries of South and North America (bar Cuba). This huge continental market is to be built around US-defined notions of free trade and protection of foreign investment, but will exclude the free movement of labour. This volume explains the origins and process of the negotiations -- both the complicated multilateral discussions and the bilateral agreements that have already been drafted. It explains in detail: * US strategy. * The structures and procedures of the Agreement. * The possible consequences for South America, including: Mercosur; Brazil, as Latin America's largest economy; and the region's many small economies, which cannot possibly compete on a level playing field with the US behemoth. * The wider implications of the FTAA for the global trading system, in particular for China, Japan and the EU. This book -- the first comprehensive, in-depth study of the FTAA -- will be of use to trade specialists, international economists, and all those interested in the FTAA, about which very little information is readily available in the public domain.
As the largest and one of the most influential countries in Latin America, Brazil has emerged as a leading voice for developing countries in setting regional and multilateral trade agendas. The United States and Brazil have cultivated a constructive relationship in pursuit of their respective efforts to promote trade liberalization, including attempting to broker a compromise with the European Union in the World Trade Organization (WTO) Doha Round and forming bilateral working groups on trade (and other) issues. Still, they approach trade policy quite differently, are at odds over how to proceed regionally with the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), and share concerns over specific trade policies and practices. Brazil's trade strategy can be explained only in part by economic incentives. Its "trade preferences" also reflect deeply embedded macroeconomic, industrial, and foreign policies. Whereas U.S. trade strategy emphasizes the negotiation of comprehensive trade agreements on multiple fronts, Brazil is focused primarily on market access issues as they pertain to its economic dominance in South America. Brazil exercises this priority in all trade arenas, such as pursuing changes to agricultural policies in the WTO, expanding the Southern Common Market (Mercosul) in South America, and resisting the FTAA for lack of a balance conducive to Brazilian interests. Brazil has a modern, diversified economy in which services account for 53% of GDP, followed by industry and manufacturing at 37%, and agriculture at 9%. Agribusiness (commodity and processed goods) account for some 30% of GDP, explaining Brazil's emphasis on agricultural policies in trade negotiations. Brazil is the world's largest producer of sugar cane, oranges, and coffee, and the second largest of soybean, beef, poultry, and corn. It is also a major producer of steel, aircraft, automobiles, and auto parts, yet surprisingly, a relatively small trader by world standards. The United States is Brazil's largest single-country trading partner. Brazil is critical of U.S. trade policies such as the Byrd Amendment (repealed, but program in effect until October 1, 2007), which directs duties from trade remedy cases to affected industries, the administration of trade remedy rules, and what it considers to be discriminatory treatment in the U.S. expansion of free trade agreements in Latin America. It also objects to product-specific barriers such as tariff rate quotas on sugar, orange juice, ethanol, and tobacco; subsidies for cotton, ethanol, and soybeans; and prolonged anti-dumping orders on steel and orange juice. U.S. concerns focus on Brazil's comparatively high tariff structure, especially on industrial goods, Mercosul's common external tariff program, and Brazil's refusal to address issues of critical importance to the United States such as services trade, intellectual property rights, government procurement, and investment. Despite these differences, both countries recognize the potential for important gains to be had from mutually acceptable trade liberalization at all levels. As a developing country with an opportunity for considerable growth in both exports and imports, however, Brazil may have the most to gain from addressing both foreign barriers to its trade, and unilaterally opening its economy further.
Abstract: After the creation of the Mercosur (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay), in the beginning of the 1990s, new free trade agreements began to be debated between Mercosur and other countries. Traditional trade theory predicts that trade liberalization reallocates resources according to comparative advantage, reduces waste, and lowers the price of imported goods in a more transparent economic regime, with less lobbying activities, and exports not only grow rapidly, but also become more diversified. Most economists also share that open countries fare better in the long run than do closed ones, but the short run impacts from trade liberalization can harm the poor. Since Brazil is one of the countries with larger inequality in the distribution of income, with high levels of poverty and regional differences, this study takes these concerns seriously by assessing the economic impacts of a reduction in import tariffs on poverty and distribution of income, identifying a combined policy that can reduce possible negative impacts from trade reform on the poor, through a single-country multi-regional computable general equilibrium model (CGE) applied to Brazil. The main findings show that poverty and regional income inequality can be reduced through combined trade and tax policies. In recent years, countries like Argentina and Brazil have experienced many different economic crises due to their own domestic instabilities, which have contributed to delayed market opening in these countries, and have threatened the evolution of new trade agreements. This study also emphasizes the lack of macroeconomic policy coordination between Mercosur and the Free Trade Area of Americas (FTAA) countries, notably the exchange rate policy through the impact of real bilateral exchange rate volatility on trade. Therefore, a sectoral gravity model is estimated to evaluate not only the role played by the lack of macroeconomic policy coordination, but also to better evaluate the patterns of trade in the Mercosur and in the proposed FTAA. The overall results show that the reduction in the level of exchange rate volatility can increase bilateral trade, and gradual reduction in the level of tariffs and increase in countries' income are also important pro-trade variables.
With jobless recoveries the issue du jour, free trade has become a wedge issue of considerable importance in the developed countries. This book hones in on free trade areas and their role in this complex globalisation process. CONTENTS: Preface; Free Trade Agreements: Impact on US Trade and Implications for US Trade Policy (William H. Cooper); The US-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (Dick K. Nanto); Free Trade Agreements with Singapore and Chile: Labor Issues (Mary Jane Bolle); The US-Chile Free Trade Agreement: Economic and Trade Policy Issues (J. F. Hornbeck); Agricultural Trade in a US- Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) (Remy Jurenas); A Free Trade Area of the Americas: Status of Negotiations and Major Policy Issues (J. F. Hornbeck); US -- Jordan Free Trade Agreement (Mary Jane Bolle); Index.
July 12, 2011-Over the course of a generation, Brazil has emerged as both a driver of growth in South America and as an active force in world politics. A new Council on Foreign Relations (CFR)-sponsored Independent Task Force report asserts "that it is in the interest of the United States to understand Brazil as a complex international actor whose influence on the defining global issues of the day is only likely to increase."Brazil currently ranks as the world's fifth-largest landmass, fifth-largest population, and expects to soon be ranked the fifth largest economy. The report, Global Brazil and U.S.-Brazil Relations, recommends that "U.S. policymakers recognize Brazil's standing as a global actor, treat its emergence as an opportunity for the United States, and work with Brazil to develop complementary policies."The Task Force is chaired by former secretary of energy Samuel W. Bodman and former president of the World Bank James D. Wolfensohn, and directed by CFR Senior Fellow and Director for Latin America Studies, and Director of the Global Brazil Initiative Julia E. Sweig.Recognizing Brazil's global role, the report recommends that the Obama administration now fully endorse the country's bid for a seat as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). It argues that "a formal endorsement from the United States for Brazil would go far to overcome lingering suspicion within the Brazilian government that the U.S. commitment to a mature relationship between equals is largely rhetorical."Domestically, Brazil's "inclusive growth has translated into a significant reduction of inequality, an expansion of the middle class, and a vibrant economy, all framed within a democratic context." Consequently, Brazil has been able to use its economic bona fides to leverage a stronger position in the international, commercial, and diplomatic arena.The report stresses the importance of regular communication between the presidents of both countries. "Cooperation between the United States and Brazil holds too much promise for miscommunication or inevitable disagreements to stand in the way of potential gains." A mature, working relationship means that "the United States and Brazil can help each other advance mutual interests even without wholesale policy agreements between the two," notes the report.The Task Force further recommends that- the U.S. Congress "include an elimination of the ethanol tariff in any bill regarding reform to the ethanol and biofuel tax credit regime."- the United States "take the first step to waive visa requirements for Brazilians by immediately reviewing Brazil's criteria for participation in the Visa Waiver Program."- the U.S. State Department create an Office for Brazilian Affairs and the National Security Council (NSC) centralize its efforts under a NSC director for Brazil in order to better coordinate the current decentralized U.S. policy.The bipartisan Task Force includes thirty distinguished experts on Brazil who represent a range of perspectives and backgrounds. The report includes a number of additional views by Task Force members, including one that notes, "We believe that a more gradual approach [regarding Brazil's inclusion as a full UNSC member] would likely have more success in navigating the diplomatic complexities presented by U.S. support for Brazil." Another view asserts, "If the United States supports, as the Obama administration has said it does, leadership structures in international institutions that are more reflective of international realities, it must support without qualifications Brazil's candidacy [for the UNSC]."
"Highly succinct discussion of NAFTA focuses on the policies and procedures that current members must adopt in order to attract new Latin American members"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57.