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A penetrating look at major challenges to the World Trade Organization and the future of trade liberalization. It also shows how the WTO is moving in a direction at odds with basic democratic principles. The author closes his analysis with some policy recommendations.
The former Director of the WTO Appellate Body Secretariat reviews Claude Barfield's book, Free Trade, Sovereignty, Democracy: The Future of the World Trade Organization, which aroused great interest around the world when it was published. Until this book, the WTO dispute settlement system was viewed as the “jewel in the crown” of the WTO. Barfield, however, asked some penetrating questions and was critical of the new, legalized system and, in particular, of some of the Appellate Body's early cases. She agrees with Barfield that there appears to be an asymmetry between the efficient and effective dispute settlement system and the less efficient rule-making system in the WTO. However, the remedy for this problem does not lie in returning to the 'diplomatic' model of dispute settlement. The 'judicial' model was developed precisely because the 'diplomatic' model did not work effectively - it did not always resolve disputes and it favoured the more powerful over the smaller, weaker states. If the problem is that the dispute settlement system is highly efficient while the rulemaking system is inefficient, should WTO Members not focus on how to make the rulemaking system more efficient, rather than return to an ineffective and inefficient model of dispute settlement? In the author's view, Barfield's analysis and conclusions are ultimately flawed because his understanding of the system is weak.
A penetrating look at major challenges to the World Trade Organization and the future of trade liberalization. It also shows how the WTO is moving in a direction at odds with basic democratic principles. The author closes his analysis with some policy recommendations.
This book describes why the politically democratic state is a mythical and illegitimate concept that does not and cannot work and why, without the corrective market feedback of profits and losses, this unstable, unmanageable, inefficient and authoritative social organization will cause its own demise. The Road to Freedom and the Demise of Nation States maps out an alternative path leading to a new contractual social organization based upon individual sovereignty and freedom. Under this natural government of decentralized economic democracy, individuals vote with their money ballot for the products and services they want, including protection and jurisprudence. The Road to Freedom constitutes an evolutionary continuation of the principles of individual sovereignty and freedom underlying the American Revolution, as expressed in the Declaration of Independence, leading to worldwide peace and prosperity.
Privatized Planet exposes the truth about 'free trade' in the post-financial crisis world. Quoting leaked documents, corporate lobby memos and a host of other primary sources, it seeks to prove that corporate globalization is changing shape, not coming to an end. Author T.J. Coles takes us on a tour of US-led corporate free trade deals from WWII to the present. He argues that activists helped beat back the big multilateral trade deals, TTIP and TPP, and that they must now pay attention to the 'noodle bowl' of bilateral deals being signed in secret, like the ongoing US-UK free trade deal. Whether it's privatizing Britain’s National Health Service, lobbying to get genetically-modified foods and hormone-treated beef into Europe, pushing fracking on Eastern European countries, or murdering environmental activists in the third world, the US-led corporate empire will stop at nothing until the planet is in private hands. But Coles says there’s plenty we can do to stop it...and his book shows how.
This book examines the notion of "free trade" and the issues raised by adopting the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Essays by Ralph Nader, Jerry Brown, William Greider, Margaret Atwood, Mark Ritchie, Wendell Berry, Pat Choate, and others.
The editors have succeeded in bringing together an excellent mix of leading scholars and practitioners. No book on the WTO has had this wide a scope before or covered the legal framework, economic and political issues, current and would-be countries and a outlook to the future like these three volumes do. 3000 pages, 80 chapters in 3 volumes cover a very interdiscplinary field that touches upon law, economics and politics.
The history of Pakistan's nuclear program is the history of Pakistan. Fascinated with the new nuclear science, the young nation's leaders launched a nuclear energy program in 1956 and consciously interwove nuclear developments into the broader narrative of Pakistani nationalism. Then, impelled first by the 1965 and 1971 India-Pakistan Wars, and more urgently by India's first nuclear weapon test in 1974, Pakistani senior officials tapped into the country's pool of young nuclear scientists and engineers and molded them into a motivated cadre committed to building the 'ultimate weapon.' The tenacity of this group and the central place of its mission in Pakistan's national identity allowed the program to outlast the perennial political crises of the next 20 years, culminating in the test of a nuclear device in 1998. Written by a 30-year professional in the Pakistani Army who played a senior role formulating and advocating Pakistan's security policy on nuclear and conventional arms control, this book tells the compelling story of how and why Pakistan's government, scientists, and military, persevered in the face of a wide array of obstacles to acquire nuclear weapons. It lays out the conditions that sparked the shift from a peaceful quest to acquire nuclear energy into a full-fledged weapons program, details how the nuclear program was organized, reveals the role played by outside powers in nuclear decisions, and explains how Pakistani scientists overcome the many technical hurdles they encountered. Thanks to General Khan's unique insider perspective, it unveils and unravels the fascinating and turbulent interplay of personalities and organizations that took place and reveals how international opposition to the program only made it an even more significant issue of national resolve. Listen to a podcast of a related presentation by Feroz Khan at the Stanford Center for International Security and Cooperation at cisac.stanford.edu/events/recording/7458/2/765.
This is a book about the constitutionalization of the World Trade Organization, and the contemporary development of institutional forms and democratic ideas associated with constitutionalism within the world trading system. It is about constitutionalization enthusiasts who promote institutions, management techniques, rights discourse and quasi-judicial power to construct a constitution for the WTO. It is about constitutional skeptics who fear the effect the phenomenon of constitutionalization is having on the autonomy of states, the capacity of the WTO to consider non-economic and non-free-trade goals, and democratic processes at the WTO and within the nation-state. The aim of the study, then, is to disentangle debates about the various meanings of the term 'constitution' when it used to apply to the World Trade Organization, and to reflect upon the significance of those meanings for more general international law conceptions of constitutions. Cass argues that the WTO is not and should not be described as a constitution, either by the standards of any received account of that term, or by the lights of any of the current WTO models. Under these definitions serious issues of legitimacy, democracy and community are at stake. The WTO would lack a proper political structure to balance the work of its judicial bodies; it may curtail the ability of states to decide matters of national economic interest; it lacks authorization by a coherent political community; and, it risks an emphasis upon economic goals and pure free trade over other, equally important, social values. Instead, Cass argues that what is needed is a constitutionalized WTO which considers the economic development needs of states and takes account of the skewed playing field of international trade and its effect on the economic prospects of developing countries. In short, trading democracy, legitimacy and community and not trading constitutionalization, are the biggest challenges facing the WTO.