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The history of French occupation of Papal territory and Italian unification, based on recently available diplomatic correspondence and official records.
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century international rela tions took on new and frightening aspects. A resurgent nationalism sharpened the conflicts between states, while an increasing industrial ism afforded them the means to make war on a scale previously unimaginable. Never before had there been greater need for art and skill in the conduct of international negotiations. The statesmen in charge of this intercourse often fell far short of the ideal necessary to eliminate the tensions in international relations. They not only had to deal with problems of great complexity, but they varied greatly in their temperaments, in their abilities, and even in their inclinations to accommodate themselves to a solution. Nevertheless, traditional diplomacy made possible the orderly handling of international crises and kept open the lines of communication. With all its imperfections it contributed largely to the maintenance of the European order from the turbulent mid-century through La Belle Epoque. The colleagues and former students of Professor Case represented here share with him his interest in this aspect of history. They analyse the methods of diplomats and the policies they implemented in articles ranging from empires in Africa and Mexico to Turkey and the Eastern Question. But regardless of the diversity of the subjects treated they are never separated from the mainstream of the diplomatic policies of the great powers. Moreover, the articles represent the same approach to history and the same techniques employed by Professor Case.
In this assessment James McMillan moves away from ideologically-based representations of the man to focus on his use of power. He recognises the Emporer as a highly skilled operator who in the face of innumerable obstacles, attempted to conduct an original policy.
A detailed study of the political relations between England and the papacy from 1858 to 1861, the decisive years for the unification of Italy.
Established as a standard work - covers the whole of Italy not just the Risorgimento itself.
He applied science to life, not with the disinterested precision of a scientist, but with the aims and methods of a humanist. After 1861 he represented the United States at the Court of Savoy, in the critical years in which Italy was built, and the United States reshaped along modern lines. From his perspective, he described prominent Italian contemporaries and their relations with the United States and his opinion could not be ignored by the Department of State. The hero of the Marsh reports was Giuseppe Garibaldi; the "devil", Napoleon III. His luminous exposition, with a clear and fresh language, revealed many aspects of his historical times and of the images of Italy, which were frequently corroborated by the diaries of American tourists and writers doing their "Grand Tour": far from being a modern country, Italy appeared a wonderful destination for traveling, the land of Dante, Machiavelli, Petrarca.
There are two factors in the Revolution and the Risorgimento during the nineteenth century which have dictated the organization of this book and conditioned as well the presentation of its contents. One is the advent of a revolution which, abortive in r849, threatened continually thereafter to break out again; the second is the ideology of a ruling class, whose basic funds of values and conscious aims were abruptly and profoundly altered by the sudden appearance of revo lution and the equally swift decay of this same movement. From these two points of view it becomes mandatory that the story of the Risorgimento and the Revolution commence in the year r848. The mastery of the Revolution, as one sees with hindsight, was attained by r861. That achievement, not frequently recognized for what it was in terms of motivation and historical necessity, is of central interest in this book. I have consequently sought to give a rather full picture of events, with particular attention for the internal politics of the revo lutionary countries involved. The attitude of a class of men, threatened in their lives and in their property, is the attitude of the counter-revo lution. There was a willingness to accept revolutionary progress out of the need to direct its course.