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Haiti may well be the only country in the Americas with a last name. References to the land of the "black Jacobins" are almost always followed by the phrase "the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere". To that dubious distinction, on 12 January 2010 Haiti added another, when it was hit by the most devastating natural disaster in the Americas, a 7.0 Richter scale earthquake. More than 220,000 people lost their lives and much of its vibrant capital, Port-au-Prince, was reduced to rubble. Since 2004, the United Nations has been in Haiti through MINUSTAH, in an ambitious attempt to help Haiti raise itself by its bootstraps. This effort has now acquired additional urgency. Is Haiti a failed state? Does it deserve a Marshall-plan-like program? What will it take to address the Haitian predicament? In this book, some of the world's leading experts on Haiti examine the challenges faced by the first black republic, the tasks undertaken by the UN, and the new role of hemispheric players like Argentina, Brazil and Chile, as well as that of Canada, France and the United States.
David Miller presents a compelling case that significant progress can be made at the local level by duplicating the actions of nine leading cities around the world.
With African, French, Arabic and Amerindian influences, the food and culture of Haiti are fascinating subjects to explore. From the days of slavery to present times, traditional Haitian cuisine has relied upon staples like root vegetables, pork, fish, and flavour enhancers like Pikliz (picklese, or hot pepper vinegar) and Zepis (ground spices). This cookbook offers over 100 Haitian recipes, including traditional holiday foods and the author's favourite drinks and desserts. Information on Haiti's history, holidays and celebrations, necessary food staples, and cooking methods will guide the home chef on a culinary adventure to this beautiful island. Recipe titles are given in English, Creole, and French.
This volume presents an authoritative and accessible examination and critique of UN peacekeeping operations.
If democratic principles do not just "rub off" onto United Nations peacekeepers, what positive or negative implications can be observed? Winner of the Luciano Tomassini Latin American Relations Book Award of the Luciano Tomassini Latin American Relations The Myth of the Democratic Peacekeeper reevaluates how United Nations peacekeeping missions reform (or fail to reform) their participating members. It investigates how such missions affect military organizations and civil-military relations as countries transition to a more democratic system. Two-thirds of the UN’s peacekeepers come from developing nations, many of which are transitioning to democracy as well. The assumption is that these “blue helmet” peacekeepers learn not only to appreciate democratic principles through their mission work but also to develop an international outlook and new ideas about conflict prevention. Arturo C. Sotomayor debunks this myth, arguing that democratic practices don’t just “rub off” on UN peacekeepers. So what, if any, benefit accrues to these troops from emerging democracies? In this richly detailed study of a decade’s worth of research (2001–2010) on Argentine, Brazilian, and Uruguayan peacekeeping participation, Sotomayor draws upon international socialization theory and civil-military relations to understand how peacekeeping efforts impact participating armed forces. He asks three questions: Does peacekeeping reform military organizations? Can peacekeeping socialize soldiers to become more liberalized and civilianized? Does peacekeeping improve defense and foreign policy integration? His evaluation of the three countries’ involvement in the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti reinforces his final analysis—that successful democratic transitions must include a military organization open to change and a civilian leadership that exercises its oversight responsibilities. The Myth of the Democratic Peacekeeper contributes to international relations theory and to substantive issues in civil-military relations and comparative politics. It provides a novel argument about how peacekeeping works and further insight into how international factors affect domestic politics as well as how international institutions affect democratizing efforts.
The Oxford Handbook of Caribbean Constitutions offers a detailed and analytical view of the constitutions of the Caribbean region, examining the constitutional development of its diverse countries. The Handbook explains the features of the region's constitutions and examines themes emerging from the Caribbean's experience with constitutional interpretation and reform. Beginning with a Foreword from the former President of the Caribbean Court of Justice and an Introduction by the lead editor, Richard Albert, the remainder of the book is divided into four parts. Part I, 'Caribbean Constitutions in the World', highlights what is distinctive about the constitutions of the Caribbean. Part II covers the constitutions of the Caribbean in detail, offering a rich analysis of the constitutional history, design, controversies, and future challenges in each country or group of countries. Each chapter in this section addresses topics such as the impact of key historical and political events on the constitutional landscape for the jurisdiction, a systematic account of the interaction between the legislature and the executive, the civil service, the electoral system, and the independence of the judiciary. Part III addresses fundamental rights debates and developments in the region, including the death penalty and socio-economic rights. Finally, Part IV features critical reflections on the challenges and prospects for the region, including the work of the Caribbean Court of Justice and the future of constitutional reform. This is the first book of its kind, bringing together in a single volume a comprehensive review of the constitutional development of the entire Caribbean region, from the Bahamas in the north to Guyana and Suriname in South America, and all the islands in between. While written in English, the book embraces the linguistic and cultural diversity of the region, and covers the Anglophone Caribbean as well as the Spanish-, French-, and Dutch-speaking Caribbean countries.
On issues pertaining to women and girls, Stephen Harper’s federal government positioned Canada as a “beacon of light” in the world. Programs were developed in relation to women’s maternal health and the protection of the girl child, but other actions point to an ambiguous and even contradictory approach that failed to address gender inequality. In Obligations and Omissions, contributors examine Canada’s equivocal – and diminished – role in working toward gender equality in the period between 2006 and 2015. Using a critical feminist lens to document, analyze, and challenge Canada’s relations with the Global South, chapters explore the extent to which matters of gender equality have been erased or exploited under the Harper government and the factors that explain these policy shifts. While the contributors document successes in Canada’s approach to some issues facing women and girls around the world, they also show many problems with the ways that agenda was framed and implemented under the Conservative government.. Drawing on rich theoretical investigation, empirical research, and discourse analysis, Obligations and Omissions reveals a complex picture of diverse practices, underscoring the implications of these actions for communities in the Global South, for Canada’s image in the international community, and for future governments in the pursuit of a renewed gender equality strategy.
IN THESE REMARKABLE AND DIVERSE ESSAYS, you will share an umbrella with a monk, root for a prisoner serving a life sentence for murder, cheer on the efforts of an elderly woman struggling to learn to read and write, scrub down a bathroom for "colored" in the 1950s segregated South, and play a memory/listening game with the elderly. And much more. These vignettes represent the best of The Power of Purpose, a worldwide essay competition sponsored by the John Templeton Foundation. The entries explore the many ways we can find purpose when helping other people on a personal level, nurturing the environment, or when working with others toward a larger goal. While their subjects are diverse, their message is simple: finding one's purpose is finding one's meaning, one's "divine spark." Judges of the 2004 entries included Nancy Brinker, founder of the Susan G.Komen Breast Cancer Foundation; Rick Warren, pastor and author of The Purpose Driven Life; Marian Wright Edelman, founder and president of the Children's Defense Fund; Hugh Delehanty, editor in chief of AARP Publications; and Paul Davies, professor of Natural Philosophy, Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia. THE JOHN TEMPLETON FOUNDATION was established in 1987 by Sir John Templeton, the pioneer of the global mutual fund. The mission of the Foundation is to pursue new insights at the boundary between theology and science by drawing together talented representatives from a wide spectrum of fields of expertise. It funds more than 250 projects, studies, award programs, and publications worldwide.
An innovative analysis of accountability in international peacekeeping and human rights, with a focus on the UN's Haiti mission.
Haiti, one of the least developed and most vulnerable nations in the Western Hemisphere, made the international headlines in January 2010 when an earthquake destroyed the capital, Port-au-Prince. More than a year later, little reconstruction has taken place, in spite of a strong international funding commitment. Mats Lundahl has written several seminal works on Haiti, and this volume brings together the best of his past work on Haiti’s economic and political history, along with a comprehensive introduction and two new chapters which bring the story right up to the present day. Together, the volume provides both historical background and explanation as to why Haiti was so badly affected by the earthquake, and to why reconstruction efforts have been ineffective this far. Lundahl argues that the two main causes can found in the interaction between the growth of the population and the destruction of the arable soil on the one hand, and in the creation of a predatory state during the nineteenth century, which still exists to this day. This book provides a comprehensive analysis, which charts these themes from the time of the arrival of Columbus in the island in 1492, to the present day. The book also deals with contemporary market and policy failures, as well as the crucial recent elections, and considers the path ahead for this impoverished nation. This book will be of huge relevance and interest not only to students and researchers in economic history, but also for all those working on development economics, development studies and American and Caribbean Studies more generally.