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The European Commission aims at defining a shared outlook on immigration issues striving to ensure third country citizens rights and responsibilities similar to those of European Union citizens. However, each Member State enjoys the prerogative of defining its own integration policy. The resulting diversity of integration policies is, alongside the very plurality of inflows, one of the factors that most affects the actual quality of the integration of immigrants in the EU. But the situations in EU countries display similarities as well as differences. This conjunction of similarities and differences may be regarded as an added-value, since it makes way for understanding which policies work better in which settings. Thus, by exchanging information on policy measures and good practices we improve our chance of obtaining better future global results in the whole of the EU. In this light it can be plainly seen that finding comparable indicators between different countries is something that will not only contribute to a better monitoring of both the immigration and integration processes, but also help improving the policies developed in these domains. Since the current project does not belong to the scope of basic research, but is instead an application of social science methods to a social problem with the purpose of aiding public policy, it becomes particularly relevant to know which policy documents, on a European level, circumscribe the field of integration. In the end of 2004 the European Council formulated the Common Basic Principles for the immigrant integration policies in the EU.1 This document states that Integration is a dynamic, two-way process of mutual accommodation by all immigrants and residents of Member States (p. 17). This is the definition of integration that will be adopted at this stage of the current work. More recently, this statement was repeated in the Common Agenda for Integration - Framework for the Integration of Third-Country Nationals in the European Union. As to the notion of immigrant, the references abound. Some authors define immigrant as someone that enters a country where he or she does not reside with the intention of becoming a resident (Garson et al., 1999: 21). Others give this concept a more economic facet, defining immigrant as any foreigner that comes to Portugal looking for work or in order to fill a position that he has obtained before leaving his country of origin (Cruz Almeida, 2001: 6). These discrepancies, far from being individual idiosyncrasies, are condensed in the normative production, more or less official, of the institutions that congregate these interests. In Portugal, the National Statistical Institute (INE), for instance, acknowledges two types of immigrants: the permanent and the temporary. For statistical purposes, a permanent immigrant is an individual that has entered the country with the intention of residing here for over a year, having resided abroad for a uninterrupted period of over a year, while a temporary immigrant has entered the country with the intention of remaining here for a year or less, with the purpose of working on a paid position, having resided abroad for a uninterrupted period of over a year. The relatives and accompanying persons of such individuals are also to be considered temporary immigrants3 . However, the portrayal of the immigrant that arises from the Article 11 of the Convention no. 143 of the International Labour Organization is quite different; it is considered that for the purpose of this Part of this Convention, the term migrant worker means a person who migrates or who has migrated from one country to another with a view to being employed otherwise than on his own account4 , followed by a list of exceptions. The semantic field of the word “immigrant” is located at the intersection of the influence spheres of diverse knowledges and powers. This situation leads to the multiplication of the variables that are relevant for forming a concept of immigrant. These encompass, at least, nationality place of birth, economic purpose, residence, duration of stay, legal status and professional situation. A theoretical approach concerning the multiplicity that hides behind the concept would be appropriate for a structural analysis of the representations of immigrants, but not as a basis for a quantitative analysis of its contribution towards making integration indicators work. Due to the importance of standardizing concepts for measuring the integration of immigrants, we have chosen the pragmatic and minimalist solution (also in accordance with the subject of the funding line that feeds the current project) of identifying immigrants with third country nationals, although setting in context the legal framework that configures such “immigrants” in Portugal.
This publication reviews the labour market integration of immigrants and their children in four OECD countries -- Belgium, France, The Netherlands and Portugal -- and provides country-specific recommendations.
This joint publication by the OECD and the European Commission presents a comprehensive international comparison across all EU, OECD and G20 countries of the integration outcomes for immigrants and their children, through 25 indicators organised around three areas: labour market and skills ...
The Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) is a unique comparative study on indicators of the legal integration of third-country nationals. Though comparing countries on the basis of various indicator types is common in the private sector and increasingly used in policy areas like development, good governance and equality, the exercise remains relatively new in justice and home affairs. The book lays out the instruments used to construct the MIPEX and then situates the study within current debates on integration indicators and policy evaluation. Each chapter considers what the study’s key findings add to our understanding of the state of integration policy development across Europe and of recent legal and policy trends on anti-discrimination, naturalisation, labour market access, and political participation.
This topical book sheds light on immigrants’ subjective well-being by analysing the main factors associated with self-reported life satisfaction among immigrants and natives. It thereby draws upon subjective components of well-being, which are now receiving growing attention in well-being research. It also fills in a gap in migration research, which has not yet focused on the study of immigrants’ well-being. Starting from a broader focus on Europe, the book then looks more closely at Italy. This is a key country in the immigration policy field in Europe, but where the study of immigrants’ integration from a subjective perspective has been rarely addressed so far. The book provides suggestions for constructing and implementing immigration and integration policies by not only taking into account the needs of the host societies, but also the experiences, opinions, requirements and expectations of immigrants. This book is very useful for academic and policy researchers working on immigrant integration issues.
This publication highlights how immigrants and their children are integrating into OECD societies, judging their progress against key indicators. Many areas are considered including material living conditions, health, education, labour market, and civic engagement.
The Review of Inclusive Education in Portugal provides, from an international perspective, an independent analysis of major issues regarding diversity, equity and inclusion in education in Portugal, current policy initiatives, and possible future approaches.
Relative to its population, Iceland experienced the largest inflow of immigrants over the past decade of any OECD country. Four out of five immigrants in Iceland have come from EU and EFTA countries, although there has been a recent increase in humanitarian arrivals. Employment rates are the highest in the OECD, for both men and women, reflecting the recent and labour market oriented nature of most immigration to Iceland. However, immigrants’ skills are often not well used, as witnessed by the high rate of formal overqualification. What is more, immigrants’ language skills are poor in international comparison and there is evidence of growing settlement of immigrants. Against this backdrop, Iceland is at a turning point in its integration framework, and seeks to develop a comprehensive integration policy for the first time. This review, the fifth in the series Working Together for Integration, provides an in depth analysis of the Icelandic integration system, highlighting its strengths, weaknesses, and potential areas for improvement. Earlier reviews in this series looked at integration in Sweden (2016), Finland (2018), Norway (2022) and Flanders (2023).
The literature has identified several explanatory typologies of highly skilled migration. Although those typologies tend to oversimplify reality they are useful for discussing policy implications and integration needs that different highly qualified migrant groups might have. This article analyses a typology of three different groups of highly skilled immigrants in Portugal: (1) highly skilled immigrants at entrance; (2) immigrants acknowledged as highly skilled after a process of recognition of qualifications or after achieving a higher education in the Portuguese education system; and (3) potential highly skilled immigrants. The characterization of these three groups allow to debate how the Portuguese opportunity structure – social, economic, legal and institutional frameworks – interfere not only in the effective integration of highly skilled immigrants in the country, but also on the attractiveness of the country for hosting those immigrants. The article analyses both the impacts of the Portuguese immigration acts (with a special visa for highly skilled immigrants since 2007 and transposition of the Blue Card Directive after 2012) and the results of measures and programmes that have been developed by public and private institutions targeting these immigrants.