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First published 1935, this title presents a series of recollections, some intimately personal, others bearing on the great social, cultural and political issues that faced the Jews and the European population more generally during the first part of the twentieth century. The author specifically focuses on differing attitudes towards the rise of Socialism in Europe, and the fate of nineteenth-century politics in the face of the tumultuous revolutions and counter-revolutions that arose in the aftermath of the First World War.
Why socialism has failed to play a significant role in the United States - the most developed capitalist industrial society and hence, ostensibly, fertile ground for socialism - has been a critical question of American history and political development. This study surveys the various explanations for this phenomenon of American political exceptionalism.
In October of 1967, on the eve of the fiftieth anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution, the Hoover Institution at Stanford University sponsored a week-long conference on "Fifty Years of Communism in Russia." In addition to the United States, participants came from Great Britain, Germany, France, and Canada--and the Soviet Embassy in Washington was also concerned enough to send several observers. The papers included in this volume give a well rounded picture of all aspects of the first fifty years of Soviet history: Bertram D. Wolfe, "Marxism and the Russian Revolution"; Leonard Schapiro, "The Basis and Development of the Soviet Polity"; G. Warren Nutter, "The Soviet Economy: Retrospect and Prospect", John N. Hazard, "Rigidity and Adaptability of Soviet Law"; Ivo J. Lederer, "Soviet Foreign Policy"; Jean Laloy, "Proletarian Internationalism", Raymond L. Garthoff, "Military Theory and Practice"; John Turkevich, "Fifty Years of Soviet Science"; Max Hayward, "Themes and Democratic Challenge to Communism."
Milt was instrumental in founding DSA's Atlanta chapter in 2006 and rooting it in the workplace and community struggles of poor and working class Atlantans, whether through anti-forclosure, anti-gentrification, or workplace struggles, using tactics from public education, to electoral organizing, to direct action. In his memoir, Milt details how the chapter's work contributed to the building of a vibrant progressive movement in Atlanta. -Maria Svart, national director, Democratic Socialists of America Milt understands that defending voting rights and fighting voter suppression are today's major civil rights challenges. In his memoir, immersing himself in social movements beginning the 60s, Milt documents the accounts of a legendary freedom fighter and what it may take to build a truly democratic society. -Helen Butler, executive director, Georgia Coalition for the People's Agenda I am so excited that Milt has finally written a memoir about his activist life, as we need to bridge the generational divide between activists now more than ever so that new generations can be supported to organize successful movements for justice. Milt has been a direct activist mentor for me-encouraging and validating me to envision, cofound, develop, and maintain an organization, AROMA, that works to support and mentor new activists so that we can pass the torch in the sacred tradition of unsung social justice heroism. Milt is not only dedicated, responsible, and gracious; he is also warm, loving, and generous with his attention. I am so honored to call him my friend and comrade and sing his praises. His memoir will be inspiring and informing to new activists for generations to come. -Misty Novich, founder, Activists Recruiting, Organizing, and Mentoring in Atlanta When I first met Milt, I was struck by how serious he was about building power, building organization, and winning for everyday people. At the time, the campaign he was working on was fighting bank foreclosures in Atlanta, and he wanted to make sure that Jobs with Justice would be involved. Milt agreed to reactivate the Atlanta JwJ chapter, because he understood the importance of working people leading their own battles at work and in their neighborhoods. Milt Tambor may never fully understand how much his leadership has fed my resilience and the resolve of so many other activists. That, indeed, is what makes him such a great organizer. -Erica Smiley, national director, Jobs with Justice This book was a joy to read. Milt lived social unionism fighting for workplace rights, community rights, and international rights! -Bob King, American lawyer and labor union activist and leader
Socialism is the watchword and the catchword of our day. The socialist idea dominates the modem spirit. The masses approve of it. It expresses the thoughts and feelings of all; it has set its seal upon our time. When history comes to tell our story it will write above the chapter “The Epoch of Socialism.” As yet, it is true, Socialism has not created a society which can be said to represent its ideal. But for more than a generation the policies of civilized nations have been directed towards nothing less than a gradual realization of Socialism.17 In recent years the movement has grown noticeably in vigour and tenacity. Some nations have sought to achieve Socialism, in its fullest sense, at a single stroke. Before our eyes Russian Bolshevism has already accomplished something which, whatever we believe to be its significance, must by the very magnitude of its design be regarded as one of the most remarkable achievements known to world history. Elsewhere no one has yet achieved so much. But with other peoples only the inner contradictions of Socialism itself and the fact that it cannot be completely realized have frustrated socialist triumph. They also have gone as far as they could under the given circumstances. Opposition in principle to Socialism there is none. Today no influential party would dare openly to advocate Private Property in the Means of Production. The word “Capitalism” expresses, for our age, the sum of all evil. Even the opponents of Socialism are dominated by socialist ideas. In seeking to combat Socialism from the standpoint of their special class interest these opponents—the parties which particularly call themselves “bourgeois” or “peasant”—admit indirectly the validity of all the essentials of socialist thought. For if it is only possible to argue against the socialist programme that it endangers the particular interests of one part of humanity, one has really affirmed Socialism. If one complains that the system of economic and social organization which is based on private property in the means of production does not sufficiently consider the interests of the community, that it serves only the purposes of single strata, and that it limits productivity; and if therefore one demands with the supporters of the various “social-political” and “social-reform” movements, state interference in all fields of economic life, then one has fundamentally accepted the principle of the socialist programme. Or again, if one can only argue against socialism that the imperfections of human nature make its realization impossible, or that it is inexpedient under existing economic conditions to proceed at once to socialization, then one merely confesses that one has capitulated to socialist ideas. The nationalist, too, affirms socialism, and objects only to its Internationalism. He wishes to combine Socialism with the ideas of Imperialism and the struggle against foreign nations. He is a national, not an international socialist; but he, also, approves of the essential principles of Socialism.
Newly arrived in New York in 1882 from Tsarist Russia, the sixteen-year-old Bernard Weinstein discovered an America in which unionism, socialism, and anarchism were very much in the air. He found a home in the tenements of New York and for the next fifty years he devoted his life to the struggles of fellow Jewish workers. The Jewish Unions in America blends memoir and history to chronicle this time. It describes how Weinstein led countless strikes, held the unions together in the face of retaliation from the bosses, investigated sweatshops and factories with the aid of reformers, and faced down schisms by various factions, including Anarchists and Communists. He co-founded the United Hebrew Trades and wrote speeches, articles and books advancing the cause of the labor movement. From the pages of this book emerges a vivid picture of workers’ organizations at the beginning of the twentieth century and a capitalist system that bred exploitation, poverty, and inequality. Although workers’ rights have made great progress in the decades since, Weinstein’s descriptions of workers with jobs pitted against those without, and American workers against workers abroad, still carry echoes today. The Jewish Unions in America is a testament to the struggles of working people a hundred years ago. But it is also a reminder that workers must still battle to live decent lives in the free market. For the first time, Maurice Wolfthal’s readable translation makes Weinstein’s Yiddish text available to English readers. It is essential reading for students and scholars of labor history, Jewish history, and the history of American immigration.
Unrestrained by convention, lionhearted and free, Eleanor Marx (1855–98) was an exceptional woman. Hers was the first English translation of Flaubert's Madame Bovary. She pioneered the theater of Henrik Ibsen. She was the first woman to lead the British dock workers' and gas workers' trade unions. For years she worked tirelessly for her father, Karl Marx, as personal secretary and researcher. Later, she edited many of his key political works and laid the foundations for his biography. But foremost among her achievements was her pioneering feminism. For her, gender equality was a necessary precondition for a just society, and she crusaded for this in Britain and on a celebrated tour across America in 1886. Drawing strength from her family and their wide circle, including Friedrich Engels and Wilhelm Liebknecht, Eleanor Marx set out into the world to make a difference. Her favorite motto: “Go ahead!” With her closest friends--among them Olive Schreiner, Havelock Ellis, George Bernard Shaw, Will Thorne, and William Morris--she was at the epicenter of British socialism. She was also the only Marx to claim her Jewishness. But her life contained a deep sadness: She loved a faithless and dishonest man, the academic, actor, and would-be playwright Edward Aveling. Yet despite the unhappiness he brought her, Eleanor Marx never wavered in her political life, ceaselessly campaigning and organizing until her untimely end. Rachel Holmes has written a dazzling and original portrait of one of the most remarkable women of the nineteenth century.
We've been told for years that the capitalist free market is a self-correcting perpetual growth machine in which sellers always find buyers, precluding any major crisis in the system. Then the credit crunch of August 2007 turned into the great crash of September–October 2008, leading one apologist for the system, Willem Buiter, to write of "the end of capitalism as we knew it." As the crisis unfolded, the world witnessed the way in which the runaway speculation of the "shadow" banking system wreaked havoc on world markets, leaving real human devastation in its wake. Faced with the financial crisis, some economic commentators began to talk of "zombie banks"–financial institutions that were in an "undead state" and incapable of fulfilling any positive function but a threat to everything else. What they do not realize is that twenty-first century capitalism as a whole is a zombie system, seemingly dead when it comes to achieving human goals.