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After years of research, American syndicalist author H. R. Morgan presents a collection of the key statements made by the early Fascist leaders and their best thinkers. Included are criticisms of and solutions to all of the problems troubling the world today. Both the causes of global misery and the reasons for their having happened are plainly mentioned. The solutions are simply stated and strait forward. If you want to know why things today are the way they are, read this book. Contained within its pages is a sweeping panorama of pertinent statements made by those 'realists' of the twentieth century, that is actually, from the 1880's on up to today. "Fascism is not racism," says Morgan, "Fascism is realism." It is a doctrine of realistic social and economic policies for todays world. It is neither 'right-wing' or 'left-wing'; it is the extreme radical center. It is "thinking outside of the box" as they say. The book begins with a very informative introduction containing a large amount of historical background. It is, however, preceded with a preface of equally historical and semi biographical importance. Afterward is the main text called the 'Codex'. The 'Codex' is a long anthology of excerpts, quotes, paraphrases, citations and commentary. The book ends with a final word by Morgan. Also included is a complete bibleography and index. It is recommended for first or second year political science majors and for all those who are interested in the true meaning of Fascism for our time, rather than what they've seen and heard on television and in the mass media.
After years of research, American syndicalist author H. R. Morgan presents a collection of the key statements made by the early Fascist leaders and their best thinkers. Included are criticisms of and solutions to all of the problems troubling the world today. Both the causes of global misery and the reasons for their having happened are plainly mentioned. The solutions are simply stated and strait forward. If you want to know why things today are the way they are, read this book. Contained within its pages is a sweeping panorama of pertinent statements made by those 'realists' of the twentieth century, that is actually, from the 1880's on up to today. "Fascism is not racism," says Morgan, "Fascism is realism." It is a doctrine of realistic social and economic policies for todays world. It is neither 'right-wing' or 'left-wing'; it is the extreme radical center. It is "thinking outside of the box" as they say. The book begins with a very informative introduction containing a large amount of historical background. It is, however, preceded with a preface of equally historical and semi biographical importance. Afterward is the main text called the 'Codex'. The 'Codex' is a long anthology of excerpts, quotes, paraphrases, citations and commentary. The book ends with a final word by Morgan. Also included is a complete bibleography and index. It is recommended for first or second year political science majors and for all those who are interested in the true meaning of Fascism for our time, rather than what they've seen and heard on television and in the mass media.
What this all adds up to is the re-establishment of freedom. Freedom to be ourselves; to have the right to our feelings; to have the right to our own thoughts; to have the right to free speech whatever it is that we have to say and to say it whenever and wherever we find ourselves. To have the right to see the truth in all things as we are able to perceive it. To deliberately recognize the reality that surrounds us as we engage in the continual struggle for genuineness. Keeping it real is good for all people; without this faculty fantasy and prevarication takes over. Our culture is our social environment. We need to have the power and the will to protect it. It is the womb of our civilization. Our innately personal ideals as well as our interpersonal social norms, mores, and colloquialisations our national integrity is being cancelled out by the corrupt regime in Congress and the Federal courts. We all have the right to live within the society and culture we were born into at the very least; the right to our own individuality, to our own opinions and to express our love of who and what we are. Unfortunately, the current phase that the Federal government has lapsed into is one of denying all of these rights to the degree that the Bill of Rights is superseded. Citizenship has become superfluous. It is time to get radical. It is past time for citizens to revolt. Otherwise this will soon become no different than any other oppressed country with the federal tyranny of the D. C. Treason Regime. HRM
National Syndicalist author H. R. Morgan has put together an invaluable reference work for the student of Corporate Syndicalism, Fascism, and social activism. Within the pages of this volume will be found a collection of many documents that are difficult to locate as well as many new translations of texts formerly available only in the original languages. Here is a collection of important and essential statements made by the original Fascists and Corporate Syndicalists as well as National Synarchists, Integralists, Peronistas, Falangists and many others. Much of the book has been translated from the original Portuguese, French, Spanish, Italian and Dutch. Morgan's wealth of subjectively acquired familiarity with Fascist ideology has made him an ideal interpreter of the translated texts as well as an adequate expositor of the doctrines which have originally been published in the English language. Some of the more valuable portions included are lengthy writings of such men as Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera, Jose Antonio Urquiza, Juan Peron, Benjamin Noyles, Lawrence Dennis, Oswald Mosley, Ziotio Garibaldi, Plinio Salgado, Gustavo Barroso, and many others. Also included are some hard to find and to translate manifestos from many countries. Some of these are from National Syndicalist Party-USA, American Fascist Movement, National Syndical American Falangist Party, National Synarchist Union of Mexico, National Integralist Movement of Brazil, Integralist Party of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, The Falangist Patriotic Movement of Uruguay, National Syndicalist Revolutionary Movement of Chile, The Futurist Manifesto, and others. H. R. Morgan's commentaries and introductories throughout serve as an excellent guide through the many pages of intense and sometimes angry political thought. This is a book you will return to time and again. This is a book that belongs on your shelf.
Highlighting the "mass" nature of interwar European fascism has long become commonplace. Throughout the years, numerous critics have construed fascism as a phenomenon of mass society, perhaps the ultimate expression of mass politics. This study deconstructs this long-standing perception. It argues that the entwining of fascism with the masses is a remarkable transubstantiation of a movement which understood and presented itself as a militant rejection of the ideal of mass politics, and indeed of mass society and mass culture more broadly conceived. Thus, rather than "massifying" society, fascism was the culmination of a long effort on the part of the élites and the middle-classes to de-massify it. The perennially menacing mass – seen as plebeian and insubordinate – was to be drilled into submission, replaced by supposedly superior collective entities, such as the nation, the race, or the people. Focusing on Italian fascism and German National Socialism, but consulting fascist movements and individuals elsewhere in interwar Europe, the book incisively shows how fascism is best understood as ferociously resisting what Elias referred to as "the civilizing process" and what Marx termed "the social individual." Fascism, notably, was a revolt against what Nietzsche described as the peaceful, middling and egalitarian "Last Humans."
This book is divided into five sections; three dealing with fascism and two with national socialism. Benito Mussolini is the first contributor with his piece "The Doctrine of Fascism".
This clear accessible overview treats the subject of fascism thematically and provides a conclusion that brings the discussion up-to-date. Mark Neocleous situates fascism between the social and political contradictions of modernity and capitalism. In many ways a reaction to the principal political project of the Enlightenment, fascism focuses on three central concepts - war, nature, and nation - in order to crush violently movements of ideologies of social emancipation such as Marxism and liberalism. The destruction of reason that fascism represents shatters Enlightenment universalism and transforms the desire for social liberation into an aggressive nationalism, with devastating effects on human life.
“No single book is as relevant to the present moment.”—Claudia Rankine, author of Citizen “One of the defining books of the decade.”—Elizabeth Hinton, author of From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime NEW YORK TIMES BOOK REVIEW EDITORS’ CHOICE • With a new preface • Fascist politics are running rampant in America today—and spreading around the world. A Yale philosopher identifies the ten pillars of fascist politics, and charts their horrifying rise and deep history. As the child of refugees of World War II Europe and a renowned philosopher and scholar of propaganda, Jason Stanley has a deep understanding of how democratic societies can be vulnerable to fascism: Nations don’t have to be fascist to suffer from fascist politics. In fact, fascism’s roots have been present in the United States for more than a century. Alarmed by the pervasive rise of fascist tactics both at home and around the globe, Stanley focuses here on the structures that unite them, laying out and analyzing the ten pillars of fascist politics—the language and beliefs that separate people into an “us” and a “them.” He knits together reflections on history, philosophy, sociology, and critical race theory with stories from contemporary Hungary, Poland, India, Myanmar, and the United States, among other nations. He makes clear the immense danger of underestimating the cumulative power of these tactics, which include exploiting a mythic version of a nation’s past; propaganda that twists the language of democratic ideals against themselves; anti-intellectualism directed against universities and experts; law and order politics predicated on the assumption that members of minority groups are criminals; and fierce attacks on labor groups and welfare. These mechanisms all build on one another, creating and reinforcing divisions and shaping a society vulnerable to the appeals of authoritarian leadership. By uncovering disturbing patterns that are as prevalent today as ever, Stanley reveals that the stuff of politics—charged by rhetoric and myth—can quickly become policy and reality. Only by recognizing fascists politics, he argues, may we resist its most harmful effects and return to democratic ideals. “With unsettling insight and disturbing clarity, How Fascism Works is an essential guidebook to our current national dilemma of democracy vs. authoritarianism.”—William Jelani Cobb, author of The Substance of Hope
A historical look at the emergence of fascism in Europe Drawing on a Gramscian theoretical perspective and development a systematic comparative approach, The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain and Romania 1870-1945 challenges the received Tocquevillian consensus on authoritarianism by arguing that fascist regimes, just like mass democracies, depended on well-organized, rather than weak and atomized, civil societies. In making this argument the book focuses on three crucial cases of inter-war authoritarianism: Italy, Spain and Romania, selected because they are all counter-intuitive from the perspective of established explanations, while usefully demonstrating the range of fascist outcomes in interwar Europe. Civic Foundations argues that, in all three cases, fascism emerged because the rapid development of voluntary associations combined with weakly developed political parties among the dominant class thus creating a crisis of hegemony. Riley then traces the specific form that this crisis took depending on the form of civil society development (autonomous- as in Italy, elite dominated as in Spain, or state dominated as in Romania) in the nineteenth century.