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In this book, the author draws upon his training in political science and experience as an energy consultant at Atlantis, Inc. It explores the conflicting interests of host and firm, and discusses the way firms use political risk analyses leads us to the issue of managing political risk.
This book examines the financial, legal and institutional strategies available to the international oil and gas industry to manage political and investment risk. The financial techniques for mitigating and allocating risk include corporate finance, joint ventures, and project finance. The legal techniques include production sharing agreements, profit sharing agreements, service contracts, bilateral investment treaties, and multilateral investment treaties. The institutional techniques include domestic courts, national constitutions, international arbitral tribunals, governmental and non-governmental regulatory agencies, alliances and energy diplomacy.This book traces the historical development of these techniques and their application in practice. The effectiveness with which companies manage political and investment risk is important for the financial sustainability of individual firms and the industry as whole. The real and perceived level of risk affects the level of exploration expenditures and therefore the balance between supply and demand, and the price of oil and natural gas. The search for a secure supply of oil and gas affects the political, military, and economic relations between countries. Consequently, every developed and developing country has placed energy policy at or near the top of its national priorities.
"Examines relations between Peru and the United States for the period 1960-1975. Focuses on the roles of both nations' ambassadors in trying to deal with the difficult foreign policy issues that arose in these years"--Provided by publisher.
Available for the first time in English, this is the definitive account of the practice of sexual slavery the Japanese military perpetrated during World War II by the researcher principally responsible for exposing the Japanese government's responsibility for these atrocities. The large scale imprisonment and rape of thousands of women, who were euphemistically called "comfort women" by the Japanese military, first seized public attention in 1991 when three Korean women filed suit in a Toyko District Court stating that they had been forced into sexual servitude and demanding compensation. Since then the comfort stations and their significance have been the subject of ongoing debate and intense activism in Japan, much if it inspired by Yoshimi's investigations. How large a role did the military, and by extension the government, play in setting up and administering these camps? What type of compensation, if any, are the victimized women due? These issues figure prominently in the current Japanese focus on public memory and arguments about the teaching and writing of history and are central to efforts to transform Japanese ways of remembering the war. Yoshimi Yoshiaki provides a wealth of documentation and testimony to prove the existence of some 2,000 centers where as many as 200,000 Korean, Filipina, Taiwanese, Indonesian, Burmese, Dutch, Australian, and some Japanese women were restrained for months and forced to engage in sexual activity with Japanese military personnel. Many of the women were teenagers, some as young as fourteen. To date, the Japanese government has neither admitted responsibility for creating the comfort station system nor given compensation directly to former comfort women. This English edition updates the Japanese edition originally published in 1995 and includes introductions by both the author and the translator placing the story in context for American readers.