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Assesses the EU and NATO's tools to prevent conflicts and manage international crises. It offers a unique insight into European security policy and questions the realism of the political goals. It argues for more coordination among European states, and an enhancement of the EU's strategic decision-making capabilities.
International demand for military crisis-management missions continues to grow and demand for troops continues to outstrip supply. Like other Western democracies, European Union member states, because of their wealth, relative military competence and commitment to human rights, bear a particular responsibility to expand the international communitys capacity for action. But while the EU has succeeded in defining a complex military-technical and political-strategic framework to boost its role and that of its member states in crisis management, its performance so far has fallen well short of its ambitions. This paper analyses what the EU wants to be able to do militarily its level of ambition and contrasts this aspiration with the current reality. To explain the gap between the two, the paper examines national ambitions and performance across the EU and analyses their domestic determinants using the examples of Austria, Germany and the United Kingdom. The paper concludes by suggesting that the EU might need to strike a new balance between the inclusiveness and the effectiveness of its activities in this area if it wants to increase its military crisis-management performance and live up to its declared ambitions.
The European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) represents a long- term project on the part of the European Union (EU) members to perform a broad range of operations, including crisis management, peacekeeping and peacemaking, known as the Petersberg Tasks. The EU's goal is to develop capabilities for autonomous military action in crises in the event that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) as a whole is not engaged. Progress in developing capabilities necessary to support the ESDP has, however, been disappointing. Indeed, there is currently a mismatch between EU capabilities and ambitions. The shortcomings in EU capabilities reflect Cold War procurement and military planning as well as an unwillingness of most of the EU governments to spend more on defense. Although increasing military budgets would help to reduce the mismatch, EU members would also have to improve the efficiency with which funds are spent. This would require changes in the EU's military-industrial base, procurement policy, technology acquisition and R&D practices as well as in enhanced transatlantic cooperation. Achieving the goals of the ESDP will also require the EU member nations to deepen their consensus about their purposes and thereby reduce the many ambiguities that currently surround the ESDP.
Presenting the first analytical overview of the legal foundations of the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), this book provides a detailed examination of the law and practice of the EU's security policy. The European Union's security and defence policy has long been the focus of political scientists and international relations experts. However, it has more recently become of increasing relevance to lawyers too. Since the early 2000s, the EU has carried out more than two dozen security and defence missions in Europe, Africa, and Asia. The EU institutions are keen to stress the security dimension of other external policies also, such as development cooperation, and the Lisbon Treaty introduces a more detailed set of rules and procedures which govern the CSDP. This book provides a legal analysis of the Union's CSDP by examining the nexus of its substantive, institutional, and economic dimensions. Taking as its starting point the historical development of security and defence in the context of European integration, it outlines the legal framework created by the rules and procedures introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon. It examines the military operations and civilian missions undertaken by the Union, and looks at the policy context within which they are carried out. It analyses the international agreements concluded in this field and explores the links between the CSDP and other external policies of the Union.
The purpose of this book is to analyse the EU's international crisis management capabilities, particularly its military dimension, using what are known as the Petersberg tasks. These capabilities' legal framework is part of Europe's new security and defence context in international relations. In our book we analyse the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) in the EU Treaty, and the relations between the EU and WEU and NATO; the conception, institutional structure and legal basis of so called Petersberg tasks; the practice of this kind of operations in international crisis management; we also analyse the civilian crisis management tasks in order to identify common points and divergences with regard to military actions, and finally we describe the Petersberg tasks' future prospects, with special references to the EU's military-civilian capabilities. Our ultimate goal is to identify, systematise and conduct a legal study of EU military operations, in order to grasp the scope of its involvement in international security and peace-keeping issues, and obtain the keys that explain the current situation as well as future prospects.
At the EU's Helsinki summit in 1999, European leaders took a decisive step toward the development of a new Common European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) aimed at giving the EU a stronger role in international affairs backed by a credible military force. This report analyzes the processes leading to the ESDP by examining why and how this new European consensus came about. It touches upon the controversies and challenges that still lie ahead. What are the national interests and driving forces behind it, and what steps need to be taken to realize Europe's ambitions to achieve a workable European crisis mgmt. capability?
The Maastricht Treaty renamed the European Community the European Union (EU) and shaped the EU's three pillars. Pillar two, the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), promoted cooperation among member states in foreign policy affairs. It also introduced the need to develop a common European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) that aimed at providing police and military capabilities to the CFSP. This idea represented a new element in the European integration process. ESDP was launched formally in June 1999, establishing ESDP's mission on the three Petersberg Tasks: (1) humanitarian and evacuation missions, (2) peacekeeping missions, and (3) combat missions for crisis management. The European Council agreed that the EU needed the capacity for autonomous action backed by credible military forces ready to respond to international crises without prejudice to actions by NATO. Thus, in Dec 1999, the European Rapid Reaction Force (RRF) was formed. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the development of the ESDP and to stress the need to consider Electronic Warfare (EW) as a militarily critical technology. The need for common operational concepts, doctrines, and training, especially in EW, becomes a necessity as Joint EU Armed Forces become ready to manage regional and international crises. However, a study of ESDP's current status shows that EW has been addressed but not properly emphasized. To demonstrate EW's weight, an imaginary scenario called "Save Atlantia 2008" was created in which the Improved Many-on-Many (IMOM) software program was used to simulate EW effects. Specifically, the IMOM program was used to model the radar and tactical jamming system of the Joint European Air Force to determine its effectiveness against several radar early warning systems. A section describes the military capabilities of the EU and the nations that have taken the lead in those areas, including AAR, UAVs, CSAR, NBC protection, TBMD, and ISTAR. (12 tables, 37 figures, 99 refs.7
Strategic autonomy is the latest fashionable concept, in Paris and Brussels alike. It appears no fewer than 24 times in the most recent French strategic review and there is not a single European strategic document, however insignifi cant, that makes no mention of it.
A state-of-the-art consideration of the European Union's crisis response mechanisms based on comparative fieldwork in a number of cases.