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Pour la première fois, un ouvrage collectif destiné à un public francophone examine la question méconnue des "Etats fragiles" qui, tout en s'imposant dans les relations internationales, reste souvent confondue avec les concepts plus datés "d'Etat effondré" ou "d'Etat failli". Derrière les appareils étatiques se cachent aussi des sociétés fragiles, incapables de faire face aux défis de la globalisation et qui souffrent de la diffusion des "maux publics mondiaux". La solidarité internationale prend alors un sens nouveau, dépassant ses missions classiques de développement économique ou de lutte contre la pauvreté.
Fault Lines of International Legitimacy deals with the following questions: What are the features and functions of legitimacy in the international realm? How does international legitimacy, as exemplified in particular by multilateral norms, organizations, and policies, change over time? What role does the international distribution of power and its evolution have in the establishment and transformation of legitimacy paradigms? To what extent do democratic values account for the growing importance of legitimacy and the increasing difficulty of achieving it at the international and the national level? One of the central messages of the book is that, although the search for international legitimacy is an elusive endeavor, there is no alternative to it if we want to respond to the intertwined demands of justice and security and make them an integral and strategic part of international relations.
Les Etats fragiles se caractérisent par une incapacité à exercer certaines fonctions essentielles pour répondre aux besoins fondamentaux des citoyens. Cet ouvrage présente les racines de la fragilité, le rôle et les limites de l'assistance internationale, les solutions émergentes dans un monde globalisé et des études de cas (Lybie, République centrafricaine, terrorisme, etc.).
Security concerns increasingly influence foreign aid: how Western countries give aid, to whom and why. With contributions from experts in the field, this book examines the impact of security issues on six of the world's largest aid donors, as well as on key crosscutting issues such as gender equality and climate change.
On the world map, macro-regions or global regions have gradually emerged, with varying degrees of success and following different trajectories. The authors of this book attempt to determine whether, within the context of globalization, these macro-regions have become an additional level in the spatial deployment of numerous actors, and whether they have come to stand between the national and global levels. This question has arisen because the increasing scales of trade, environmental problems, migration routes, energy distribution, the construction of major infrastructures etc. transcend national boundaries and are leading states to implement macro-regional cooperation. The authors ask whether these large regional groupings are becoming genuine territories and are the fruit of in-depth regional integration – economic, institutional, legal, normative, political, cultural and in terms of identity. If so, these global regions would therefore become referents that make sense and take root in social representations.
In Africa, progress can be seen across the board. But the important question is whether this so-called progress is sustainable. The continent is a powder keg: the powder is demographics and unemployment the detonator. By 2050, the number of young people of working age in Africa is expected to be three times that of China’s. But will there be enough jobs for them? What is troubling for the continent is even more dramatic for the Sahel, a huge region of about 100 million inhabitants where insecurity is spreading like a bushfire. Despite major differences in geography and culture, there are huge similarities between the Sahel and Afghanistan: a demographic impasse, stagnating agriculture, widespread rural misery, high unemployment, deep ethnic and religious fault lines, weak states, regional instability, drug trafficking, and the spread of radical Islam. And unfortunately the same recipes that failed in Afghanistan are being rolled out in the Sahel. Are we headed to a ‘Sahelistan’ and to an ‘Africanistan’? Serge Michailof helps us find the answer to this important question.
Intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) play a crucial role in security sector reform and governance (SSR/G). In virtually all instances of recent and current SSR programme delivery, IGOs have either led the SSR effort or supported the lead provided by other actors. How this role is played is of vital importance for the prospects of fostering durable security and development in a wide range of countries. This volume looks at a selection of organisations that have been in the forefront of SSR activity or that have the potential for significantly developing their SSR agendas in the future. These IGOs are the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the European Union (EU), the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), the Council of Europe (CoE), the Economic Organisation of West African States (ECOWAS), the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This year's volume is divided into four parts: conceptual issues; case studies on how IGOs have approached SSR in programme areas that are particularly representative of their overall action; case studies on the way various actors, primarily but not exclusively IGOs, have worked with each other in implementing SSR and supporting its implementation; and conclusions drawn from the various case studies as well as policy recommendations for future IGO work in the area of SSR/G.
This book analyses the use of communication in resolving conflicts, with a focus on de-escalation and processes of peacebuilding and peace formation. From the employment of hate radio in the Rwanda genocide, to the current conflict between Russia and the Ukraine following events in the Crimea, communication and the media are widely recognized as powerful tools in conflicts and war. Although there has been significant academic attention on the relationship between the media, conflict and war, academic efforts to understand this relationship have tended to focus primarily on the links between communication and conflict, rather than on communication and peace. In order to make sense of peace it is essential to look at communication in its many facets, mediated or not. This is true within many of the diverse strands that make up the field of communication and peace, but it is also true in the sense that a holistic and interdisciplinary approach is missing from the literature. This book addresses this widely acknowledged lacuna by providing an interdisciplinary perspective on the field, bringing together relevant, but so far largely isolated, streams of research. In doing so, it aims to provide a platform for further reflection of the meaning of, and requirements for, peace in our contemporary world with a focus on de-escalation, conflict transformation, reconciliation and processes of peacebuilding – as opposed to conflict escalation or crisis intervention. This volume will be of much interest to students of peace and conflict studies, peacebuilding, media and communication studies, security studies and IR in general.