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This book is concerned with the ideological origins of the cold war and how it was fought by economic means. The book revolves around four major themes. Firstly, it is argued that the origin of the cold war is not to be found in rational, economic motivation, but in ideology through which both the East and West perceived 'reality'. Secondly, these ideological preconceptions generated complex feed-back processes of hostility that lasted forty years. Thirdly, although this hostility was expressed in political, ideological and military terms, the decisive battle was fought in economic terms as each nation devoted resources to unproductive military purposes. Finally, the end of the cold war came with the collapse of the dysfunctional Soviet economy. Although, the Soviets lost the cold war, in the light of the ascendancy of its competitors, the United States did not win it.
Revision of papers presented at a conference held Oct. 1963, at the invitation of the director of the Public Affairs Conference Center of the University of Chicago.
Conventional wisdom holds that comic books of the post-World War II era are poorly drawn and poorly written publications, notable only for the furor they raised. Contributors to this thoughtful collection, however, demonstrate that these comics constitute complex cultural documents that create a dialogue between mainstream values and alternative beliefs that question or complicate the grand narratives of the era. Close analysis of individual titles, including EC comics, Superman, romance comics, and other, more obscure works, reveals the ways Cold War culture--from atomic anxieties and the nuclear family to communist hysteria and social inequalities--manifests itself in the comic books of the era. By illuminating the complexities of mid-century graphic novels, this study demonstrates that postwar popular culture was far from monolithic in its representation of American values and beliefs.
The end of the Cold War between the United States and the former Soviet Union reassured people around the world who had lived in fear of a nuclear confrontation between the superpowers. Yet the early euphoria over "peace dividends" and a "new world order" was premature. Conflicts within and between nation-states are springing up around the globe, challenging world leaders and ordinary citizens to find peaceful means for national, group, and individual self-determination. In this book of specially commissioned essays, twenty world leaders assess the possibilities and perils of the new strategic, political, and economic interrelationships that are emerging around the world. They tackle such fundamental questions as: What is the future of the international system as we approach the twenty-first century? What will be the fate of disintegrating nation-states, and how will the international community respond? Has the nation-state outlived its usefulness? Are we beginning to witness the complete breakdown of the international system? The contributors are: Ali Alatas (Indonesia) Tariq Aziz (Iraq) James A. Baker III (United States) Benazir Bhutto (Pakistan) Boutros Boutros-Ghali (United Nations) Fernando Henrique Cardoso (Brazil) Osama El-Baz (Egypt) Eduardo Frei (Chile) Alberto Fujimori (Peru) Rachid Ghannouchi (eminent Islamic thinker) Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev (Russian Federation) Kamal Kharrazi (Iran) Andrei Kozyrev (Russian Federation) Leonid Kuchma (Ukraine) Nelson Mandela (South Africa) Nursultan Nazarbayev (Kazakhstan) Olusegun Obasanjo (Nigeria) Muammar El-Qadhafi (Libya) Fidel Ramos (Philippines) Shri P. V. Narasimha Rao (India)
This correspondence, which encompasses Truman's courtship of his wife, his service in the senate, his presidency, and after, reveals not only the character of Truman's mind but also a shrewd observer's view of American politics.
This book collects the key essays, together with updating notes and commentary, of Professor John Mueller on war and the role of ideas and opinions. Mueller has maintained that war (and peace) are, in essence, merely ideas, and that war has waned as the notion that 'peace' is a decidedly good idea has gained currency. The first part of the book extends this argument, noting that as ideas have spread, war is losing out not only in the developed world, but now in the developing one, and that even civil war is in marked decline. It also assesses and critiques theories arguing that this phenomenon is caused by the rising acceptance of democracy and/or capitalism. The second part argues that the Cold War was at base a clash of ideas that were seen to be threatening, not of arms balances, domestic systems, geography, or international structure. It also maintains that there has been a considerable tendency to exaggerate security threats—currently, in particular, the one presented by international terrorism—and to see them in excessively military terms. The third section deals with the role public opinion plays in foreign policy, and argues that many earlier conclusions about opinion during the Korean and Vietnam Wars, including especially ones concerning the importance of casualties in determining popular support for war, apply to more recent military ventures in the Persian Gulf, Bosnia, Iraq, and Afghanistan. It also assesses the difficulties leaders and idea entrepreneurs often encounter when they try to manage or manipulate public opinion. This book will be of much interest to students of international relations, security studies, foreign policy and international history.