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Eruptions of Popular Anger: The Economics of the Arab Spring and Its Aftermath sets out to answer three puzzles—the “Arab inequality†? puzzle of civil uprisings in countries with low-to-moderate and stagnant economic inequality, the “unhappy development†? paradox of increasing dissatisfaction at a time of moderate-to-rapid development, and the paradox of political violence in middle-income countries. The book’s empirical investigation rules out high and rising inequality as a reason for the Arab Spring uprisings. It shows that the real problem was the erosion in middle-class incomes and the growing dissatisfaction with the quality of life, the shortage of formal sector jobs, and corruption. Frustration was particularly high among the young, educated, middle-class residents in urban areas. The old social contract, which had delivered development results in the past and under which Arab governments provided public-sector jobs and subsidized services in return for subdued voice, was unsustainable and malfunctioning. The public sector could no longer be the employer of choice, but the private sector did not generate enough formal sector jobs, because of distortions that constrained its growth and policies that offered advantages to a few firms with political connections, limiting competition and private investment. The breakdown in the social contract increased the premium on freedom and created impetus for political change. This report shows that the Arab Spring revolutions and the subsequent spread of violence and civil wars in the post†“Arab Spring Middle East and North Africa region can be traced to the broken social contract, institutional weaknesses, and regional divisions in societies polarized along ethnic and sectarian lines. The Arab Spring and its aftermath indicate the need for a new social contract under which governments promote private-sector job creation, design public services in a way that holds providers accountable to beneficiaries, and promote inclusion and good governance.
The Arab Spring protests caught most of the world by surprise and precipitated a chain of events that changed the course of history in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), ushering in a period of prolonged political instability and intense civil conflicts. The analysis of the Arab Spring aftermath sheds light on the interplay between economic, behavioral, institutional, and political factors that have influenced the transitions across the region and the risk of civil conflict. The study draws on four main bodies of literature on poverty and inequality, subjective well-being, civil conflict, and macroeconomics as well as on an eclectic mix of quantitative and qualitative methods and data. Given the complex nature of the Arab Spring and its aftermath, the study touches also on areas related to political economy and governance.
The global #MeToo and #BlackLivesMatter movements as well as the push for LGBTQ+ rights are all emblematic of a growing interest in and focus on how to better embrace and capitalize on diversity. Yet these social movements exist alongside renewed efforts to constrain minority rights and stem immigration around the world. In Untapped Power, Carla Koppell has assembled a leading group of scholars, policy makers, researchers, and activists to provide a comprehensive overview for understanding and navigating these countervailing forces, so that we can build a more peaceful and inclusive world.
"In the 20th and 21st century revolutions have become more urban, often less violent, but also more frequent and more transformative of the international order. Whether it is the revolutions against Communism in Eastern Europe and the USSR; the "color revolutions" across Asia, Europe and North Africa; or the religious revolutions in Iran, Afghanistan, and Syria; today's revolutions are quite different from those of the past. Modern theories of revolution have therefore replaced the older class-based theories with more varied, dynamic, and contingent models of social and political change. This new edition updates the history of revolutions, from Classical Greece and Rome to the Revolution of Dignity in the Ukraine, with attention to the changing types and outcomes of revolutionary struggles. It also presents the latest advances in the theory of revolutions, including the issues of revolutionary waves, revolutionary leadership, international influences, and the likelihood of revolutions to come. This volume provides a brief but comprehensive introduction to the nature of revolutions and their role in global history"--
This book analyzes the food revolution that has occurred in Russia since the late 1980s, documenting the transformation in systems of production, supply, distribution, and consumption. It examines the dominant actors in the food system; explores how the state regulates food; considers changes in patterns of food trade interactions with other states; and discusses how all this and changing habits of consumption have impacted consumers. It contrasts the grim food situation of 1980s and 1990s with the much better food situation that prevails at present and sets the food revolution in the context of the wider consumer revolution, which has affected fashion, consumer electronics, and other sectors of the economy.
Triumph and Despair tells the dramatic story of post-revolutionary Iran’s first four decades, from its establishment in 1979 until today. The revolutionary coalition that overthrew the monarchy was at once democratic, populist and Islamic. The Islamists, and the Khomeinists in particular, were able to capitalise effectively on prevailing conditions on the ground; to frame the new republic’s constitution, capture nascent institutions, and consolidate their power by eliminating opponents through a reign of terror. Once the war with Iraq was over and after the death of the new order’s charismatic founder, Ayatollah Khomeini, the Islamic Republic was consolidated: first by tweaking its institutional arrangements, and then by fostering economic development and post-war reconstruction. A reformist interlude then followed, reversed unceremoniously by a return of populism and a broader authoritarian retrenchment. Today Iran remains at odds with itself, its economy too deeply political to yield meaningful developmental results, its foreign relations too conflicted to allow it a productive place in the community of nations. As Iran’s nationalities and its women and youth carve out spaces for themselves in the broader narrative, competing identities–religious, national and otherwise–abound. After forty years, the Islamic Republic remains a country in search of itself.
The electoral successes of right-wing populists since 2016 have unsettled world politics. The spread of populism poses dangers for human rights within each country, and also threatens the international system for protecting human rights. Human Rights in a Time of Populism examines causes, consequences, and responses to populism in a global context from a human rights perspective. It combines legal analysis with insights from political science, international relations, and political philosophy. Authors make practical recommendations on how the human rights challenges caused by populism should be confronted. This book, with its global scope, international human rights framing, and inclusion of leading experts, will be of great interest to human rights lawyers, political scientists, international relations scholars, actors in the human rights system, and general readers concerned by recent developments.
In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), trade liberalization measures have coincided with stable economic growth, and GDP per capita growth has surpassed that of other developing regions. However, MENA's labor-market outcomes--such as average wage levels, informality rate, and female labor force participation--continue to underperform. Why has rising trade failed to produce better labor market outcomes in low- and middle-income countries in the region? 'Exports to Improve Labor Markets in the Middle East and North Africa' focuses on the impact of trade policy on trade-flows and their relationship with local labor market outcomes in three low- and middle-income countries--the Arab Republic of Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia. Given their idiosyncratic labor markets, export diversification, and trade policy history, these three countries other important lessons for economic development in the region. Policy makers and stakeholders can use these findings to design policies to improve the chances that higher trade flows will deliver better labor market outcomes and ensure that the benefits are more equally shared. 'This report, led by Gladys Lopez-Acevedo and Raymond Robertson, pushes forward the frontier of knowledge about the relationship between trade and the labor market in MENA. Although focusing on three countries (the Arab Republic of Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia), it gives us broader lessons on how to solve the apparent puzzle of greater exposure to trade not being followed by greater labor market outcomes in the region. It points out, among other factors, how market segmentation by gender shapes the effects of trade shocks like higher exports. Policy makers in the region will definitely benefit from the evidence and analysis conveyed by the report on how to turn trade integration into a lever for shared prosperity.' --Otaviano Canuto, Senior Fellow at the Policy Center for the New South, and former Vice President of the World Bank 'This timely report attempts to understand why trade expansion did not produce the desired improvements in labor market outcomes in three non-oil-exporting countries in MENA. The main reason for the weak link between trade expansion and widely shared labor market improvements appears to be the segmented nature of labor markets in the three countries, by gender as well as by formality status. In Morocco and Tunisia, the highly segmented labor markets along gender lines, in combination with the concentration of trade in male-dominated capital-intensive sectors, led to few employment benefits accruing to women. In Egypt, the limited impact of trade on formal employment is attributable to the small size of the nation’s export sector and its lack of integration with the rest of the economy. These findings are critical to understanding how barriers to widely shared prosperity can be tackled in the region.' --Ragui Assaad, Professor, Humphrey School of Public Affairs, University of Minnesota
En La evolución geográfica de la productividad y el empleo: Ideas para lograr un crecimiento inclusivo a través de una perspectiva territorial en América Latina y el Caribe se utiliza una perspectiva territorial para comprender las tasas de crecimiento económico persistentemente bajas de América Latina y el Caribe (ALC). Utilizando nuevos datos y métodos, se muestra que la desindustrialización, la distancia y las divisiones son factores interrelacionados que explican la paradoja de la productividad urbana en ALC, a saber: las ciudades densamente pobladas deberían estar entre las más productivas del mundo, pero no lo están. Las ciudades de ALC se han visto frenadas por la falta de dinamismo, la mala conectividad y las divisiones en barrios pobres y prósperos desconectados. A causa de la desindustrialización, el empleo urbano se ha desplazado, especialmente en las ciudades más grandes de la región, de las manufacturas a actividades no comercializables menos dinámicas y de baja productividad, como el comercio minorista y los servicios personales y de otra índole, que se benefician menos con la aglomeración, sobre todo en ciudades muy congestionadas. Si bien el empleo en el sector de los servicios comercializables urbanos ha aumentado, el alza ha sido lo suficientemente firme como para compensar la disminución del empleo en el sector manufacturero. Al mismo tiempo, los problemas de conectividad interurbana han menoscabado el desempeño de la red de ciudades de la región, dado que restringen el acceso a los mercados y la capacidad de las empresas para beneficiarse de la especialización reubicándose en ciudades más pequeñas. Dentro de las ciudades, la conectividad deficiente y la segregación del mercado laboral residencial han limitado los beneficios de la aglomeración a los vecindarios de los distritos comerciales centrales donde operan las empresas formales. La informalidad ha persistido en los barrios de bajos ingresos, cuyos habitantes enfrentan múltiples privaciones. En cambio, muchas zonas agrícolas y mineras se han beneficiado con la fuerte demanda de productos básicos por parte de China y otras economías de rápido crecimiento, particularmente durante la década dorada (2003-13), lo que llevó a una disminución de la desigualdad territorial en la mayoría de los países de la región. Se concluye que, para fomentar el crecimiento inclusivo, los países deben transformar más eficientemente la riqueza natural en capital humano, infraestructura e instituciones, y mejorar la competitividad de la economía urbana. En tal sentido, se esbozan los contornos de dicha strategia de desarrollo, identificando las prioridades en materia de políticas a nivel nacional, regional y local.
Smuggling is typically thought of as furtive and hidden, taking place under the radar and beyond the reach of the state. But in many cases, governments tacitly permit illicit cross-border commerce, or even devise informal arrangements to regulate it. Drawing on extensive fieldwork in the borderlands of Tunisia and Morocco, Max Gallien explains why states have long tolerated illegal trade across their borders and develops new ways to understand the political economy of smuggling. This book examines the rules and agreements that govern smuggling in North Africa, tracing the involvement of states in these practices and their consequences for borderland communities. Gallien demonstrates that, contrary to common assumptions about the effects of informal economies, smuggling can promote both state and social stability. States not only turn a blind eye to smuggling, they rely on it to secure political acquiescence and maintain order, because it provides income for otherwise neglected border communities. More recently, however, the securitization of borders, wars, political change, and the pandemic have put these arrangements under pressure. Gallien explores the renegotiation of the role of smuggling, showing how stability turns into vulnerability and why some groups have been able to thrive while others have been pushed further to the margins. With both rich empirical detail and novel theoretical contributions, Smugglers and States offers important insights into security and stability in North Africa and the prospects for economic inclusion in a context where many livelihoods exist outside of the law.