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Giving close consideration to previously neglected debates, Matthew Mason challenges the common contention that slavery held little political significance in America until the Missouri Crisis of 1819. Mason demonstrates that slavery and politics were enme
Winner of the Pulitzer and Bancroft prizes, this is the standard history of the years between Jefferson and Jackson. RAn agile piece of historical writingQwitty, selective, and illuminating.SQNew Yorker.
*Includes pictures *Includes online resources and a bibliography for further reading George Washington, the first President of the United States, warned against the formation of political parties, but it did not take long for American politicians to ignore him and draw a line in the sand regarding the power of the federal government and that of the individual states. That said, the line ebbed away among the bloodshed of the War of 1812, and until the election of 1828, American politics experienced the so-called Era of Good Feelings, during which Americans took heed of Washington's words and set aside party lines for a supposed new era of political cooperation. Following the tradition begun by his predecessors, James Monroe refused to run for a third term in office in 1824, leaving the White House wide open in the most regionally divisive election in American history. It began with John Quincy Adams, who was the favored candidate of the New England states. They recognized and respected his lifelong service to his country, as well as his experience and intellect. On the other hand, Southern voters favored Henry Clay, the acclaimed Speaker of the House who helped broker the Missouri Compromise, and they believed "The Great Compromiser" had the skills needed to continue to navigate the increasingly turbulent waters surrounding slavery. Meanwhile, William Crawford had the support of former presidents Jefferson and Madison but was in very poor health. Finally, Andrew Jackson had made quite a name for himself in the famous Battle of New Orleans and was the darling of the rugged people settling the expanding American West. All of the candidates were members of the Democratic-Republican Party, though Adams appealed to the former Federalists in New England thanks to his famous father. Not surprisingly, when Election Day rolled around, no candidate gained a majority in the Electoral College. While Jackson had won a plurality of the popular vote and electoral votes, he did not have the necessary majority of electoral votes needed to secure the presidency. In keeping with the rules laid down by the 12th Amendment, the House of Representatives had to choose between the top three candidates: Jackson, Adams and Crawford. Clay came in fourth and would never be president. However, he remained Speaker of the House and thus had tremendous influence over who would. While Clay disagreed vehemently with Adams over the issue of slavery, the two men agreed on most other matters, including higher tariffs and the need for internal improvements in America's roads and waterways. Thus, he threw his support behind Adams, who was chosen president by the House with the first ballot, cast on February 9, 1825. Having won the most votes, Jackson was already upset that he was not given the presidency, but when John Quincy Adams appointed Henry Clay to be his Secretary of State after Clay had played kingmaker in the House and thrown his support behind Adams, the Jacksonian Democrats were enraged. With accusations that the two had reached a corrupt bargain behind closed doors, Adams was already tainted before he could even start governing the nation. To understand the context of Jackson's accusations, it's necessary to remember that during this era, the office of Secretary of State, not Vice President, was seen as the conduit to the presidency. Adams had been in politics for most of his adult life, but his contemporaries and historians were both puzzled by the fact that he either refused to play politics or did not know how. Some have speculated that he did not like being president, while others have pointed to the Jacksonians also refusing to play ball due to their displeasure with the election results.
“A remarkable book, from its title and subtitle to its last words . . . A stirring indictment of American sentimentality about war.” —Robert G. Kaiser, The Washington Post In Looking for the Good War, Elizabeth D. Samet reexamines the literature, art, and culture that emerged after World War II, bringing her expertise as a professor of English at West Point to bear on the complexity of the postwar period in national life. She exposes the confusion about American identity that was expressed during and immediately after the war, and the deep national ambivalence toward war, violence, and veterans—all of which were suppressed in subsequent decades by a dangerously sentimental attitude toward the United States’ “exceptional” history and destiny. Samet finds the war's ambivalent legacy in some of its most heavily mythologized figures: the war correspondent epitomized by Ernie Pyle, the character of the erstwhile G.I. turned either cop or criminal in the pulp fiction and feature films of the late 1940s, the disaffected Civil War veteran who looms so large on the screen in the Cold War Western, and the resurgent military hero of the post-Vietnam period. Taken together, these figures reveal key elements of postwar attitudes toward violence, liberty, and nation—attitudes that have shaped domestic and foreign policy and that respond in various ways to various assumptions about national identity and purpose established or affirmed by World War II. As the United States reassesses its roles in Afghanistan and the Middle East, the time has come to rethink our national mythology: the way that World War II shaped our sense of national destiny, our beliefs about the use of American military force throughout the world, and our inability to accept the realities of the twenty-first century’s decades of devastating conflict.
U.S. History is designed to meet the scope and sequence requirements of most introductory courses. The text provides a balanced approach to U.S. history, considering the people, events, and ideas that have shaped the United States from both the top down (politics, economics, diplomacy) and bottom up (eyewitness accounts, lived experience). U.S. History covers key forces that form the American experience, with particular attention to issues of race, class, and gender.
A piercingly raw debut story collection from a young writer with an explosive voice; a treacherously surreal, and, at times, heartbreakingly satirical look at what it's like to be young and black in America.
One of the New York Times’s Best Books of the 21st Century Named one of the most important nonfiction books of the 21st century by Entertainment Weekly‚ Slate‚ Chronicle of Higher Education‚ Literary Hub, Book Riot‚ and Zora A tenth-anniversary edition of the iconic bestseller—"one of the most influential books of the past 20 years," according to the Chronicle of Higher Education—with a new preface by the author "It is in no small part thanks to Alexander's account that civil rights organizations such as Black Lives Matter have focused so much of their energy on the criminal justice system." —Adam Shatz, London Review of Books Seldom does a book have the impact of Michelle Alexander's The New Jim Crow. Since it was first published in 2010, it has been cited in judicial decisions and has been adopted in campus-wide and community-wide reads; it helped inspire the creation of the Marshall Project and the new $100 million Art for Justice Fund; it has been the winner of numerous prizes, including the prestigious NAACP Image Award; and it has spent nearly 250 weeks on the New York Times bestseller list. Most important of all, it has spawned a whole generation of criminal justice reform activists and organizations motivated by Michelle Alexander's unforgettable argument that "we have not ended racial caste in America; we have merely redesigned it." As the Birmingham News proclaimed, it is "undoubtedly the most important book published in this century about the U.S." Now, ten years after it was first published, The New Press is proud to issue a tenth-anniversary edition with a new preface by Michelle Alexander that discusses the impact the book has had and the state of the criminal justice reform movement today.
As machines are trained to “think,” many tasks that previously required human intelligence are becoming automated through artificial intelligence. However, it is more difficult to automate emotional intelligence, and this is where the human worker’s competitive advantage over machines currently lies. This book explores the impact of AI on everyday life, looking into workers’ adaptation to these changes, the ways in which managers can change the nature of jobs in light of AI developments, and the potential for humans and AI to continue working together. The book argues that AI is rapidly assuming a larger share of thinking tasks, leaving human intelligence to focus on feeling. The result is the “Feeling Economy,” in which both employees and consumers emphasize feeling to an unprecedented extent, with thinking tasks largely delegated to AI. The book shows both theoretical and empirical evidence that this shift is well underway. Further, it explores the effect of the Feeling Economy on our everyday lives in the areas such as shopping, politics, and education. Specifically, it argues that in this new economy, through empathy and people skills, women may gain an unprecedented degree of power and influence. This book will appeal to readers across disciplines interested in understanding the impact of AI on business and our daily lives. It represents a bold, potentially controversial attempt to gauge the direction in which society is heading.